The friendship between İsmail Canbulad and Mustafa Kemal Pasha dated back to their early youth. When Canbulad graduated from the Military Academy and was assigned to Thessaloniki, he would meet and spend time with Enver Pasha, Talat Bey, Doctor Nazim, Cavid Bey, Mustafa Necip, and Mustafa Kemal Pasha. The friendship and camaraderie between Ataturk and Canbulad developed over time; so much so that Mustafa Kemal Pasha even had a spare key to Canbulad's house. Furthermore, whenever Canbulad came to Istanbul, he would frequently visit Mustafa Kemal at his home in Sisli.
In fact, one day during that period, Fethi Bey and four of his friends decided to form a revolutionary committee. The goal was to change the Sultan and overthrow the government. İsmail Canbulad, one of these four individuals mentioned, while participating in the committee, asked to be excused, stating that it would be more appropriate for him to remain in reserve "against the possibility of the movement failing." Upon this, Mustafa Kemal Pasha said, "A movement in which the gentleman does not participate may not be wise. Therefore, let us disband the society immediately." The Pasha's friendship with Canbulad was that close. However, this closeness was interrupted by Canbulad's exile to Malta, and subsequently, events took a completely different turn.
İsmail Canbulad was born in Istanbul in 1880. Following in his father's footsteps, he received military training and graduated from the Military Academy with the rank of lieutenant in 1899. However, his military service did not last long; he left this post in 1909 and was appointed as the District Governor (Kaymakam) of Buyukada. In the following years, we see him first as a deputy for Izmit. Subsequently, he held positions such as Chief of Police, Governor of Istanbul, and Mayor. Finally, in 1918, he was appointed as the Minister of the Interior. The Malta exile mentioned above took place immediately after his ministerial tenure. This is because the Damat Ferit Pasha government had the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress arrested in 1919, and the aforementioned exiles began thereafter.
Canbulad remained in exile for nearly three years. After returning to the country, he settled in Samsun and tried to engage in trade there. I say 'tried' because his business was not going very well. He even sent a letter to Cavid Bey, who was in Europe at the time. He mentioned the difficulty of his economic conditions, asked his friend to find him a job, and stated, "Although the possibility of an agreement and subsequent peace is increasing, my idea about not dealing with politics and especially my current financial situation require me to start a job as soon as possible." It was precisely during those days that some individuals were preparing for a coup and an assassination attempt against Mustafa Kemal Pasha. It is alleged that Canbulad was one of those individuals.
I am referring to the event that went down in history as the Izmir Assassination. According to this, a group, which also included members of the Progressive Republican Party (Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası), was accused of killing Mustafa Kemal Pasha and overthrowing the government. Moreover, this assassination plan was confessed firsthand. However, there is no concrete evidence regarding the other individuals on trial, including İsmail Canbulad; there are only the crimes alleged. Subsequently, the trials began.
Before moving on to the court process, let us also state that Canbulad had been elected as a deputy in the 1923 elections and later became one of the founding members of the Progressive Republican Party. A few years later, "fate" would meet him in a way he never expected.
So much so that İsmail Canbulad, who was once a close friend of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, one of the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, and an important figure in the state, was being tried on charges of assassinating Ataturk.
As the calendar pages turned to 1926, Canbulad was 46 years old.
Let us return to the days of the trial.
The case was heard at the Independence Tribunal. The presiding judge was Afyon deputy Ali Çetinkaya, the prosecutor was Denizli deputy Necip Ali Bey, and the court members were Kılıç Ali and Reşit Bey, who also served as deputies. Among those arrested were figures who had taken part in the War of Independence, such as Kazım Karabekir, Ali Fuat, Cafer Tayyar, and Rüştü Pasha. Furthermore, some of the individuals on trial, like İsmail Canbulad, knew Mustafa Kemal Pasha closely. In this respect, the case brought together friends who had once walked the same path.
At this point, Uğur Mumcu’s commentary is striking. Mumcu penned the following lines regarding the case: “The Independence Tribunal, under the presidency of Gazi Pasha and Kel Ali (Çetinkaya), sought the arrest and punishment of Karabekir, the leader of the Progressive Republican Party, and his fellow founders. The revolution had begun to devour its children.”
In the words of Mumcu, İsmet İnönü intervened in this struggle between the “revolution and its children,” first ordering the release of Karabekir Pasha. Following this, Karabekir Pasha was released. The members of the Independence Tribunal reacted sharply to this situation, stating that no one could interfere with the courts and emphasizing an independent judiciary. Moreover, they brought up the rhetoric of “arrest” in response to the interference. In other words, it was suggested that if he continued his stance, even İsmet İnönü could be arrested.
On the other hand, Minister of the Interior Recep Peker reported the situation to Mustafa Kemal Pasha via a separate telegram. Telegrams were exchanged between İsmet Pasha and Atatürk. Uğur Mumcu interprets İnönü’s situation as follows: “İsmet Pasha was caught between two fires. Or rather, between his two closest friends. Gazi Pasha believed that Kazım Karabekir and the closed Progressive Republican Party were behind the assassination attempt. İsmet Pasha, however, did not believe in this possibility at all.” Ultimately, Atatürk persuaded İsmet İnönü, and Karabekir Pasha was arrested again, only to be released after the trials concluded.
That is the kind of case the Izmir Assassination attempt is.
Let us now return to Canbulad. According to the court panel, although Canbulad was aware of the assassination attempt, he did not report this situation to the competent authorities and had also taken part in the group attempting to seize power. Ziya Hurşit, who admitted to planning the assassination, did not include the name of İsmail Canbulad in his testimony. In other words, Hursit had named those who were aware of the assassination, but Canbulad was not among them. Moreover, İsmail Canbulad was abroad at the time the assassination was being planned.
İsmail Canbulad, a former close friend of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, stated that he was innocent during the trial process and said, "My witness is Gazi Pasha." Those words were recorded as follows:
"I am supposedly Kara Kemal's man, just like Şükrü Bey. No one but the prosecutor believes this. I am no one's man; I am a free-thinking person with principles... Gazi Pasha himself knows that I even rejected the proposal to assassinate Vahdettin. I name Gazi Pasha as a witness that I was against the idea of an assassination."
Following the trials, many individuals were sentenced to death. Among them were many who had served as governors, ministers, and members of parliament. Canbulad, along with Halis Turgut Bey, was sentenced to ten years of exile, a sentence he met with the reaction, "You might as well have hanged us."
However, what was to come was not yet over.
Specifically, after the trial concluded, the convicts were taken to a warehouse next to the cinema building where the court was held. There, both Halis Turgut Bey and İsmail Canbulad began to speak in a nervous and angry manner. For them, this was an unjust sentence. Istanbul Deputy İsmail Canbulad says, 'I will appear before the court again. I will defend myself. I do not deserve a ten-year exile sentence. I will seek my rights.' Following him, Sivas Deputy Halis Turgut Bey says similar words. The court clerk, after listening to what was said, leaves the room. Afterwards, the court bailiff comes to the door of the hold and calls out to those inside: 'Those who will defend themselves, please come forward.' Although a decision had been made and the verdict stated, no one expects Canbulad and Turgut to be allowed to present their defense again. But the aforementioned names present their defense once more. Subsequently, a decision that would go down in history is made, and the court changes the exile sentence to a death sentence.
Canbulad and Turgut will be sent not to exile, but to the gallows.
In the words of Ataturk, this assassination was 'not the work of a few vagabonds, but the product of a great betrayal undertaken by opponents against the republic and the revolution.' Those sentenced must be executed. After the decisions are finalized, the prisoners are taken to the gallows one by one.
The newspapers of the period report the evening of the execution as follows: 'The group including İsmail Canbulad was taken out of the prison under the escort of bayonets. It was not yet midnight. The public, wanting to see how the death row prisoners were taken to the place of execution, how they would be hanged, and their state after being hanged, gathered around the street stretching from Basdurak to the Kordon. The prisoners were sent to separate locations. Ziya Hurşid, Laz İsmail, Gürcü Yusuf, and Çopur Hilmi were taken to the intersection in front of the Gafarzade Hotel where they wanted to carry out the assassination, while the others were taken to the Government House, Kislah Square, and the park area. When he arrived in front of the gallows, İsmail Canbulad spoke at length, mentioning that the homeland was under siege, and said, 'In your eyes, we have become stateless.' İsmail Canbulad was composed while being taken to the scaffold in front of the barracks. He showed no signs of fear, walking slowly and calmly as if nothing were happening, and stopped.'
Undoubtedly, İsmail Canbulad is more of a historical event here than just a name. His own life, the event that went down in history as the Izmir assassination, the actors of the event, and the debates that took place during that process reflect the big picture of this incident. In this respect, reaching out to a name can also mean shedding light on history and re-reading it. The light that will reflect from there and the new perspectives that will emerge can make it easier for us to understand today. Perhaps this is another duty that history imposes on names.
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