It will end up in the dustbin of history!

If Özgür Özel attempts to attach the CHP to the tail of the ruling power, as Can Ataklı claims...

One should not just dismiss this as simple political gossip, because there are serious signs.

Before Tayyip's visit, members of the CHP's shadow cabinet began meeting with the ministers of His Majesty.

Minister of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change Mehmet Özhaseki met with Deputy Chairman responsible for Local Governments Gökhan Zeybek, and Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan met with Deputy Chairman İlhan Uzgel.

It is expected that CHP members will also visit Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya and Minister of National Defense Yaşar Güler in the coming days.

Clearly, Tayyip, who would not even let Kılıçdaroğlu through the doors of state institutions, is now sweet-talking Özgür Özel, stroking his ego and making him feel important.

It is obvious that this is a clever perception operation to soften the reaction to the potential results of the meeting at the CHP Headquarters and even to convince the CHP base.

Sub-working groups and the like are on the agenda. In other words, an artificial ground for cooperation is being created between the government and the CHP, as if they were partners.

One should not consider it a remote possibility that, after receiving a few makeshift ministries tomorrow or the next day, he might come out and try to feed this to our people by saying, “Look, I made the CHP part of the government.”

Of course, whether the CHP base, its voters, or those who simply voted for the CHP to get rid of the AKP will swallow this is a separate matter of debate.

Can Ataklı says:

"I spoke with some important CHP members. They said that Erdoğan is pushing for this, and there is even an offer from below to Özgür Özel… 'You too should put your hands under the stone, take some ministries.' Erdoğan has already finished the job. Erdoğan is planning for the end of his term. He is going to leave. He has concerns about whether something will happen to him and his inner circle. To get rid of this, there is a plan to make the CHP a partner in power in some way. Of course, is there a response to this? There is no response in the CHP public, but there is when it reaches the management level. Just like the MHP... To integrate the CHP into the government in some way... To take three or four names who do not attract much attention but are known to be CHP members into the government. The CHP member who told me this, who explained the signal coming from the AKP, says; 'Erdoğan has already given up on this business.'”

Then he continues:

“I don't think Özgür Özel would agree to such a thing, but there might be those within the CHP saying, 'look, we won the municipalities, we need resources for them to work. It won't work with local government alone, we also need central government.' From what I understand, there are, there are those inciting this."

I do not think like Can Ataklı.

If there is no serious reaction from the base and the party's truly republican, Kemalist, and sensible segment, Özgür Özel will knowingly and willingly fall into this trap of Tayyip's.

One must take into account not only his political ignorance but also his ambition, fueled by his hollow self-confidence.

After all, ever since he was graced with the royal greeting, he has been walking around with a grin from ear to ear.

For example, if Tayyip brings a constitutional amendment proposal that envisions a return to the parliamentary system in exchange for a guarantee that he and his inner circle will not be prosecuted, what would Özgür Özel's answer be? Would he open the door to negotiations on the condition that he becomes “Prime Minister”? Or would he say, “I don't want four, I want five ministries, and let one of them be Foreign Affairs”?

We can multiply the questions, but let us remember Demirel's saying, “let us not cut clothes for a child not yet born,” and hit the brakes here. However, let us underline with a thick pen that attaching oneself to the tail of political Islamists who are at war with all the values of the republic, who hate the CHP, the CHP philosophy, and CHP members, will have consequences far beyond the imagination of our people who have pinned their hopes on Özgür Özel.

Before concluding the article, let us share a small example of this from our recent political history.

A few months before the 1991 general elections, it was clear that the DYP, led by Demirel, would cross the finish line but would not be able to come to power alone. Even though Özal had ascended to the Çankaya Mansion, ANAP still maintained its strength.

At that time, as a fresh reporter, I was carefully following what was discussed at the news meetings of the Cumhuriyet Newspaper's Ankara Bureau. The general approach was that the DYP would form a coalition with the SHP, led by Erdal İnönü. Since such a coalition would represent a broad mass, it could easily heal the wounds ANAP had opened in the country.

There were not many who opposed this. In the whole office, there was a “there is only one path of reason” approach. Shortly before the election, I had followed Demirel's Erzincan and Erzurum rallies. At the news meeting, I had stated that Demirel was attacking Özal but not touching Mr. Erdal, and I had conveyed that Cavit Çağlar was speaking in the sense of, “We will form a coalition with Mr. Erdal. Let's not upset him.”

After the meeting, the late Mustafa Ekmekçi pulled me aside and said, “A right-left coalition in Turkey is wrong. People are left without options. Demirel should form a coalition with ANAP so that the SHP, as a left-wing party, can remain in opposition and continue to be an option for the people.”

The election results turned out as expected.

Demirel and İnönü became partners.

But the SHP, which was the second party with 24 percent of the vote in the 1987 elections, lost significant votes in 1991. It fell to third place after the DYP and ANAP.

In this, remaining in the shadow of the DYP during the election campaign was as influential as letting HEP members run in the election on its own list.

In 1993, Demirel ascended to the Çankaya Mansion as President, and a few months later, Erdal İnönü left politics and was replaced by Murat Karayalçın.

The erosion in the SHP accelerated even further.

Karayalçın inevitably became a partner in all of Tansu Çiller's incompetence in power and her responsibility for the economic crisis.

It suffered a defeat in the 1994 local elections, and a year later, it locked its doors and merged with the CHP.

Deniz Baykal, who became the Chairman, formed a partnership with Çiller on the condition of an “early general election,” and after that, the “CHP” never saw the face of power again!

Let us not call it a moral of the story, but let this be a lesson we should learn from this recent history.

The dustbin of history is full of politicians who attach themselves to the tail of the opposing camp for their own political future.

Let us end our article by saying that if Özgür Özel, one way or another, becomes a crutch for the government and extends Tayyip's political life, he too will get his share of this as soon as possible.