Its origins go all the way back to the Ergenekon and Balyoz plots!

It is crystal clear that Tayyip is willing to go as far as releasing the convicted terrorist Abdullah Öcalan to stay in that seat until his inevitable end, to further consolidate his neo-Hamidian regime, and to leave a smooth path for his successor—whether it turns out to be Bilal or Berat, we don't know yet, but whoever he deems suitable.

One way or another, he cannot afford to lose his power after this point.

That threshold has long been crossed.

He knows very well that when he leaves his seat, things will turn into chaos.

He is making his calculations accordingly. He wants to change the Constitution quickly so that he can resolve the issue as easily as pulling a hair from butter.

But for this, he is dependent on the DEM Party, which holds the key to the deadlock in Parliament.

He has no other choice, because the parliamentary arithmetic has his hands tied.

No matter what demand the DEM Party comes with, it is almost impossible for him to say, "No, that won't happen."

These demands are more or less clear.

Over the past 23 years, secularism, democracy, human rights, the rule of law, freedom of expression, and the like have remained mere words, but if things continue this way, the country's unitary structure and political unity will also completely disappear.

Then, all is lost.

We can predict the consequences of the upheaval that will emerge.

To prevent the wind from turning against him, he needs to find a way to sell all of this to the people of our country without causing too much damage.

But it won't be easy.

He raised the threshold so high by shouting at election rallies and telling the lie that the CHP is in cooperation with the DEM, Kandil, and the PKK, that if he tries to reverse course now, he might very well destroy the car's transmission.

That is why he sacrificed his junior partner without blinking an eye.

Bahçeli, even at the cost of destroying the conventional nationalism he has never let anyone else claim, jumped forward saying, "I am Kara Murat..."

This way, in the midst of the noise and fighting, both Tayyip would remain unscathed, and just in case, there would be some room for maneuver.

The matter has nothing to do with the "State" wisdom they are trying to push on us.

Clearly, they are hoping for help from Abdullah Öcalan.

They say he will call on the PKK to lay down their arms, and so on.

Of course, for those interested, there is stuffed vine leaves in the fridge.

Let's say the PKK announced it would lay down its arms, and you sold this to the people of our country by writing a heroic story; what will we do about the terrorist statelet in northern Syria?

Finding a suitable cover is not easy.

The palace sycophants are also simultaneously busy confusing people with nonsensical talk, such as, "Oh, Turkey will take on the guardianship of all Kurds in the region," "From now on, our word will carry weight in Syria," or "If we please the Kurds, we will become a world power again."

They all know very well that this is not the case.

Since they cannot say that they are useful extras in an imperialist project, they are currently only in a rush to justify the release of Abdullah Öcalan with empty rhetoric.

Let's say the DEM members got what they wanted with the constitutional amendment package that the government brought in like it was stealing goods from a fire.

What happens then?

For example, Abdullah Öcalan is released, Article 66 of the Constitution is abolished, and autonomy, federation, or whatever you want to call it in the East and Southeast is included in the Constitution; the DEM members will not be too concerned with the rest anyway.

Tayyip could officially turn Turkey into an Islamic Republic, and the country could become like Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sudan, or Somalia; they wouldn't care at all.

First, they will look at what is in their pocket.

A "Greater Kurdistan" or whatever, that is for later.

Even though the DEM members hold the key to the lock today, the origins of the issue of releasing Abdullah Öcalan go all the way back to the Ergenekon-Balyoz plots.

The Cumhuriyet newspaper, where I worked at the time, had received more than its fair share of these plots. Ankara Representative Mustafa Balbay was among the journalists thrown into prison during that frenzy.

On hearing days, I would go to Silivri and, if I could get permission from the prosecutor, I would talk to him for about an hour. In one of these meetings, we talked about how we could draw the attention of the international public to these cases.

I suggested writing a text explaining the situation and then sending it to the members of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.

After all, Turkey was a founding member of the Council of Europe and had signed the European Convention on Human Rights.

He accepted.

When I returned home, I stopped by his wife Gülşah Balbay's place and explained the situation. She listened to me, then paused and told me that she had met with a diplomat from the Norwegian Embassy, and that this diplomat had said, "Don't worry, when the Kurdish issue is resolved, they will all be released."

We were talking about this among ourselves, but it was the first time I had heard a Western diplomat establish a direct link between Ergenekon and Balyoz and the Kurdish issue, and furthermore, say this without hesitation to the wife of one of the victims of the plot.

It would be a lie to say I wasn't surprised.

When I dug a little deeper, I saw that Western diplomats in Ankara viewed this process as a "regional cleanup" aimed at preventing the people of our country from taking to the streets when Abdullah Öcalan was released.

At that time, the ultimate goal of the "opening" and "loosening" process, which they supported by patting their collaborators here on the back, was the removal of Abdullah Öcalan from İmralı.

Let's give credit where it's due: Muharrem İnce came out in 2011 and explained all of this one by one, right on the floor of Parliament.

Looking the AKP deputies straight in the eye, he said, "You are throwing everyone who is an opponent into prison; there is only one reason for this: you are going to pardon Abdullah Öcalan. You are widening the net, expanding it, so that you can get support from society when you issue the amnesty."

But things slowed down at that time.

Tayyip must have seen that neither the country nor the people of our country had reached the desired state, so he hit the brakes.

The pro-Kurdish faction was left empty-handed.

Now, times have changed.

The DEM, with 57 deputies, has locked up politics. They will not give the key without getting what they want. Tayyip, this time, has no intention of hitting the brakes.

He may not get this chance again.

Before concluding the article, let's provide some inside information. The polls the Palace had conducted regarding the Abdullah Öcalan issue are not very encouraging for Tayyip. Now, they are evaluating the possibility of losing what they have while chasing after something else. Let us end our article by noting that it is being whispered in the corridors that some people from Beştepe are scolding the palace sycophants because they still haven't been able to turn the people of our country in favor of the government on this issue.