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Let him be President until he dies!

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With Bahçeli cozying up to the DEM Party members, calling out to Apo, and Tayyip making statements that tickle the fancy of the pro-Kurdish faction, we have found ourselves debating a new "opening" or "disintegration" process.

There is a cautious joy among the usual suspects.

Last time, they were blindsided by a last-minute goal from Tayyip, and their enthusiasm was cut short.

Back then, he thought that if he walked with Bahçeli, he could both change the regime and continue his rule without any trouble; he left the pro-Kurdish faction high and dry, and not only that, he gave them a good slap on the back of their necks.

In fact, he had realized that the potential cost of the opening or disintegration would be heavy.

Since his paradigm was built solely on preserving his power, he did his calculations accordingly.

Instead of getting intimate with the pro-Kurdish faction, it served his interests to go through the themes of homeland, nation, call to prayer, flag, religion, and faith.

It was very easy to fortify this mass, which constitutes the vast majority of his own voters, with cheap, hollow rhetoric.

Moreover, since he had economically prospered the Islamist Kurds since 2002, his mind was at ease, and he had no worries.

For example, the results of the Constitutional Referendum held just one year after the trench operations, where city centers in the Southeast were practically razed to the ground, showed that support for Tayyip continued to increase.

In the 2018 Presidential elections, he received the vote of one in every two people.

The Islamist Kurds recognized no bird other than the crow, and no "President" other than Tayyip.

In short, there was no vital reason for him to take such a risk at that time.

He had also slowly started to use the refugee card. He knew the European Union could not make much noise.

However, conditions have now changed significantly both domestically and internationally.

The country is in a complete crisis, both socially and economically. We are all in a state of collective madness.

The outside world is no different.

Due to the war Israel is waging with Hamas and Hezbollah, the Middle East has turned into a literal inferno. The US is now planning to change the regime in Iran, its ultimate target, through ethnic groups.

It is fortifying the terrorist structure in northeastern Syria more and more every day.

Let no one doubt that the moment the button is pressed for an opening here, the initiative will rapidly and completely pass into the hands of the US.

It is no secret that the game-makers on the other side of the Atlantic want to fill the political vacuums that have begun to appear in the Middle East with a new strategy constructed through the Kurds, in which the Kurds will take part as a significant actor.

Planning for this has been underway for a long time.

So, let us not be surprised if, in the near future, we see the PKK/PYD, together with the Barzani family, trying to incite Iranian Kurds to rise up against their regime.

One must be either blind or completely ignorant not to see that the Kurdish political movement, having filled its sails with US support, will also bring Turkey into its scope.

Could Tayyip be wanting to keep the organization within his own axis by talking about an opening or something similar to get ahead of the potential effects of this? This is currently being discussed in the deep circles of Ankara.

But if his excellency had such a strong foreign policy foresight, the country would not be struggling in the Middle Eastern quagmire today, let us say, and continue.

The Atlanticists, European Union sycophants, Islamists who hate the republic and republican values, fake leftists, lukewarm liberals, and of course the pro-Kurdish faction acting as voluntary servants of imperialism have already started saying, "Let us not categorically reject this initiative; the political cost would be too high."

Yet they know very well that Tayyip's only concern is to be re-elected president and, if possible, to sit in that seat until the end of his life, and that he did not embark on such a venture out of admiration for the Kurds.

But regardless of the excuse, the fact that he needs the support of the DEM Party works in their favor. They are aware that such an opportunity will not always come their way.

So, whatever they can snatch from Tayyip now is a gain!

The others are already in the bag one way or another. There is almost no chance that the AKP remnants and MHP members made deputies by Kılıçdaroğlu will cause trouble.

But when looking at the parliamentary arithmetic, it is possible to see that the DEM Party is of critical importance for Tayyip's plans.

If they stand on the opposing front, the issue of him running again becomes a major risk, which would be a nightmare.

This is exactly where the trouble lies.

For example, could there be a negotiation such as: let us cleanly lower the fifty percent plus one to forty percent, remove the limitation on Presidential candidacy; in return, let us take Apo out of Imralı, let him serve the rest of his sentence at home. Maybe even, if he lives long enough, we will release him within a year or two, who knows, he might head the DEM Party, enter Parliament?

Or, could they say: let Kandil call for laying down arms, let them lay down arms, let those in Kandil dissolve the organization and go to any European country they want; and in return, we will sit at the table with the PKK/PYD and provide them with legitimacy?

We do not know, but it is even said that a house has already been rented in Çankaya for Apo.

In short, Tayyip is prepared to risk changing the founding paradigm of the Republic just to maintain his power and sit in that seat until the end of his life.

A new Constitution, cooked up with imperialist jargon that will satisfy the pro-Kurdish faction and Islamists—such as identity politics, multiculturalism, diversity, brotherhood of peoples, equal citizenship, democratic solution, and so on—will be the final nail in the coffin of the Republic of Turkey.

Despite this, Özgür Özel, who still and persistently chases normalization, is concerned with becoming lukewarm toward Tayyip at every opportunity, and pontificates from the parliamentary podium with PKK rhetoric saying "let mothers not cry," is either unaware of what is happening or wants to be a partner in this opening-disintegration business from somewhere.

As for the people of my country, who talk big when it comes to nationalism, they are just watching this theater because they are busy trying to feed their hungry stomachs.

Looking from this perspective, let us conclude the article by saying that the future of the country does not look very bright; and let us put a period with the sentence that this winter will be extremely difficult both domestically and internationally.