Let those who understand come forward!

The issue of the trustee is just one act of a play staged in this country.

One needs to look at the whole play.

But not in the way the government's well-fed sycophants always see the "big picture" and push the boundaries of their infinite ignorance.

Let us just try to focus on the process we are living through.

First, let's take a deep breath and construct the three-dimensional political picture of Turkey's recent years within the gray cells of our brains.

It is said that human memory is prone to forgetfulness.

Let us refresh our memory on what happened, who said what, and who did what in the recent past, so that we can at least partially understand the trap we have fallen into today.

When autumn knocked on our door, amidst inflation, poverty, hunger, and the like, we suddenly found ourselves discussing the Kurdish issue.

Tayyip extended the Öcalan carrot to DEM with one hand through Bahçeli, but with the other, he slapped them right on the back of their necks.

Before the trustee cudgel, Esenyurt Municipality got its share. Then came the municipalities of Mardin, Batman, and Halfeti.

Let's not say Turkey has been turned into dust and smoke, but politics has certainly been thoroughly stirred up.

Mardin is important here from a symbolic perspective!

That is why we need to dwell a bit on the dismissed Mayor Ahmet Türk. Because he has always been at the forefront of the games orchestrated by the other side of the Atlantic with the PKK from the past to the present.

For instance, Turgut Özal, who once tried to solve the Kurdish issue in his own way, had tasked Ahmet Türk with meeting with Öcalan.

Other than that, as Bahçeli said, he was a "Kurdish landlord belonging to a deep-rooted family," meaning a tribal leader, a feudal lord as we know it.

His grandfather, Kanco Bey, was one of the commanders of the Hamidiye Regiments established by Abdülhamid.

Moreover, according to rumors, he laid the foundation for his current wealth by seizing the property of Armenians in and around Mardin during the First World War.

After setting this background information, let us continue.

After the trustee decision was notified, Hasan Cemal, whose cheek Tayyip once patted while calling him "Brother," grabbed the phone and called Ahmet Türk.

Offering condolences and such...

And he said, "We have always talked about democracy, we have talked about justice, we are still talking about them, but neither democracy nor justice is knocking on our door."

Then he added, "Look, Hasan Cemal, they will resort to anything to avoid losing power!"

Yet, it was he himself who, just nine months ago, was singing a different tune, saying, "We had no belief that Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu would solve the Kurdish problem. We still don't. The CHP does not have the capacity to solve such a massive problem. There is no leader there today. If anyone is to solve it, Erdoğan will, because he is a leader."

We do not know if he has come to his senses now.

The Tayyip he showered with praise had pulled the rug out from under him, regardless of his age.

Let's also take a look at what happened before.

He had gone to Imralı in 2013 upon Tayyip's instruction. He met with Öcalan and, upon his return, made the statement, "It is Öcalan who will end the armed struggle. There is a mutual declaration of will in the negotiations."

However, things went awry and did not work out.

A year later, he became the Mayor of Mardin Metropolitan Municipality. In 2016, a lawsuit was filed against him on charges of "being a member of an armed terrorist organization" and "making propaganda for an armed terrorist organization," and he was dismissed from his post. They arrested him and put him in prison. On February 3, 2017, they released him on the grounds of health problems.

He had understood how Tayyip could lose his sense of judgment when his own interests were at stake.

But he still became a candidate in the March 31, 2019 local elections and was elected. On August 19, 2019, he was dismissed from his post and a trustee was appointed in his place.

What is interesting is that the state gave the green light for him to be a candidate. No one came out and said, "You cannot be a candidate." It was as if someone was saying, "Become a candidate, and we will dismiss you from your post, appoint a trustee in your place, and have a bargaining chip in our hands before the election."

The others were calculating that if they dismissed you, it would give us an excuse to shout and scream.

Having realized that he had become the government's whipping boy, he announced on January 14, 2024, that he was leaving active politics.

Enough is enough, he said.

However, they quickly stepped in and convinced him to become a candidate again by saying, "Good days await us after the election."

He had swallowed the bait again. On March 31, he sat in the Mardin Mayor's chair for the third time.

However, two and a half months later, the pot cracked.

The verdict in the Kobani Case was announced, and he received a 10-year prison sentence. If this decision had been announced before the election, he most likely would not have been a candidate, or perhaps he would not have been able to obtain the "clean record" required for candidacy.

But for Tayyip to use his cudgel effectively, the decision had to be left until after the election so that he could first sit in the chair and then be dismissed and replaced by a trustee.

That is exactly what happened; he pulled the rug out from under Ahmet Türk, whose back he had patted three years ago.

In short, we suddenly found ourselves in the middle of a trustee crisis.

Özgür Özel, as always, grabbed the salt shaker without thinking and ran. He caught his breath in Mardin.

It is now very clear that the government has begun to shape the process leading up to 2028 as it wishes through controlled crisis politics.

For this, in the first stage, both DEM and CHP need to be fragmented, divided, and discredited in the eyes of the voters.

By beautifully utilizing Özgür Özel's political ignorance, incompetence, and ineptitude, he put DEM and CHP into the same sack.

Now he will be able to set up the game as he wishes.

Because there is no staff wisdom left in the party, Özgür Özel found himself supporting PKK stooges while trying to react to the trustee politics—perhaps knowingly and willingly.

It is unacceptable for DEM co-chair Tuncay Demirhan to say on top of the CHP bus, "Whatever Seyit Rıza, Sheikh Said, and the Sakines did, the Kurdish people will do the same."

Tayyip, one way or another, regained the psychological superiority after the defeat on March 31. Let us end our article by saying that it seems certain that after bringing the DEM supporters to the desired state, he will press the button for a Constitutional amendment that will allow him to be a candidate again in the near future.