So much for legitimacy!

Take a look at what has happened in the two weeks since Tayyip Erdoğan returned to Turkey after receiving 'legitimacy' from Trump at the White House:

Journalist Fatih Altaylı, who was arrested on charges of “threatening the President,” was not released. Yet, he had been arrested on extremely baseless accusations. There was no evidence to be found; he could easily have been tried without arrest, but the court did not do so. Under normal circumstances, house arrest or judicial control could have been ordered, but it was not.

Journalist Furkan Karabay, who was detained on May 15 on charges of “targeting individuals involved in the fight against terrorism” and “insulting the President” due to a video he prepared on YouTube and his digital media posts, appeared before a judge on October 2. A decision was made to continue his detention.

Manager Ayşe Barım, who was arrested as part of the Gezi Park protests investigation on charges of “aiding an attempt to overthrow the government of the Republic of Turkey or prevent it from performing its duties,” was released after the testimony of a “witness” who said, “I don’t know this woman, I saw her on social media, I reported her, I don’t remember why I reported her.” But the prosecutor's office appealed. A higher court accepted the appeal. The path back to prison appeared for Ayşe Barım, but when she fell ill on her first night at home, she was rushed to the hospital. She is expected to undergo heart surgery. Her file is completely empty. Moreover, according to the forensic medical report, her life is at risk.

The European Court of Human Rights had issued a violation ruling regarding Selahattin Demirtaş's detention on July 8. If Turkey did not appeal by October 8, the decision would have entered into force. However, the Ministry of Justice requested a “re-examination” at the Grand Chamber at the last minute. His release has been left to another spring.

On September 2, the Istanbul 45th Civil Court of First Instance canceled the CHP Istanbul Provincial Congress; it dismissed Özgür Çelik and his administration and appointed Gürsel Tekin in his place. The CHP objected to this appointment. The objection was rejected on September 26. The court defended the decision to appoint a temporary board, citing that those appointed were chosen from people not distant from the party. The first hearing was held on October 3; the request for the judge's recusal was rejected, and it was decided to wait for the result of the appeal. The case was adjourned to November 21.

At the Parliament's opening reception, opposition parties other than the CHP took shelter under the government's wings and posed nicely. Tayyip Erdoğan said, “That frame is the true photograph of Turkey. Some are trying to show Turkey as divided into camps and shattered, but the truth is the picture of unity and solidarity there. Those who cannot be a part of that picture should sit down and hold themselves accountable.”

An arrest warrant was issued for Turgay Ciner, the owner and manager of the Ciner Media Group, as part of the investigation into Can Holding.

An operation was carried out against Istanbul Gold Refinery (İstanbul Altın Rafinerisi AŞ) and its affiliated companies on the grounds that some gold company owners and employees resorted to fraud involving gold to receive the three percent support offered by the state and systematically caused losses to the state to gain unfair profit. 21 people were detained.

Former AKP deputy Hüseyin Kocabıyık was arrested on charges of insulting the President.

Bahçeli requested that a delegation of commission members from Parliament meet with Öcalan face-to-face, receive his messages firsthand, and share them with the public. He said, “Whoever has not been involved in a crime and has not engaged in an armed action should come and embrace their family.” He gave hints of a possible “return home” law. DEM Party's Tülay Hatimoğulları also said that “the key to peace and its interlocutor is Abdullah Öcalan.” She called on Parliament Speaker Numan Kurtulmuş to take the initiative to establish a dialogue with İmralı.

At the DEM Party's parliamentary group meeting, slogans were chanted in favor of Öcalan. When Group Deputy Chair Gülistan Kılıç Koçyiğit said, “Welcome to the women who have embraced hope, who are walking toward freedom from Diyarbakır, from all four corners of Kurdistan for Öcalan's freedom,” slogans of “Biji Serok Apo” rose from the hall.

Reactions to this scandal under the roof of Parliament rose. The button was quickly pressed for an agenda-changing operation. A dawn operation was carried out on 19 famous names, including Demet Evgar, İrem Derici, Özge Özpirinççi, and Ziynet Sali. They were taken to the Provincial Gendarmerie Command to have their statements and blood samples taken.

* * *

It is possible to lengthen the list, but let us stop here and ask: if Trump had not given Tayyip Erdoğan the “legitimacy” he so desperately needed; if he had not essentially said, 'Don't be afraid, I have your back, whatever you do in your own country is not important to me; as long as you don't harm my interests, don't go against my word, and continue to cooperate with me unconditionally'...

Or – if this were a fantasy – if he had come out and sent the message, 'Do not move away from democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, I will regulate my relations with you accordingly'...

Could the government, ignoring the ever-increasing reaction of my country's people, have been so reckless and acted so brazenly?

Rest assured, Fatih Altaylı, Furkan Karabay, and Ayşe Barım would have been released after their first hearings, and the Ministry of Justice would not have taken the European Court of Human Rights' Selahaddin Demirtaş decision to the Grand Chamber; they could not have.

They would not have dared to harass Özgür Özel so much.

Opposition parties other than the CHP would have refrained from taking shelter under Tayyip Erdoğan's wings at the parliamentary reception. They would not have wanted to be in that photograph.

Bahçeli could not have insisted that commission members meet with Öcalan, and no one would have dared to chant “Biji Serok Apo” at the DEM Party's group meeting in Parliament.

Because the Kurdish nationalists are also leaning on Trump.

Perhaps then, since Özgür Özel would not have felt the need to jump through hoops to please the DEM members, he could have raised his voice against this scandal in Parliament from the very first minute. But he chose not to get involved.

In short, Tayyip Erdoğan is acting with the courage and confidence he received from the legitimacy he put in his bag in Washington.

It is that clear!

Not only his, but the opposition's eyes are also on the other side of the Atlantic.

And what about the will of my country's people? Let us put a period to our article by saying that we have now learned well that there is not much interest in this matter in the country.