The events that erupted in Kayseri after a Syrian man sexually harassed a 6-year-old girl have brought the refugee issue back to the forefront of the agenda.
Let's not beat around the bush.
Turkey is facing a multidimensional demographic operation that seriously threatens its existence, even if the Turkish public is not fully aware of it.
If this operation succeeds, we will not have a homeland left in its current form in the foreseeable future; Turkey will be torn to pieces.
Let us underline this with a thick pen.
The issue has both internal and external dimensions that feed and support each other.
The outside is well-known.
Although their calculations differ, the USA and the EU are doing everything they can to keep the refugees in Turkey.
Western leaders, who talk big about democracy and human rights, blindly support the Islamist mentality that drags the country into medieval darkness and destroys democracy and human rights, simply because it keeps the refugees in Turkey.
Yet, until just yesterday, they were tearing themselves apart over the Copenhagen Political Criteria.
When the issue touched Europe, neither Copenhagen nor the criteria remained.
Let us make a note of this here.
If Tayyip has been able to hold onto power so strongly in the past, it is thanks to the unconditional support given by Merkel and Obama.
The EU wants the AKP to remain in power so that refugees stay in Turkey, as it fears a massive wave of migration.
The US calculation is slightly different.
Their concern is for the “terror state” that the PKK has established in northern Syria to sprout, grow, develop, and institutionalize without encountering any major trouble!
For this to happen, the Syrians must remain where they are.
If they return to their countries, most of them will rightfully want to reclaim the lands that the PKK has usurped.
It would be naive to think that the issue will be resolved without reaching an armed conflict.
The return of Syrians to their lands also means certifying that the PKK is an occupier in the region.
Thus, the possibility of one of the US's springboards in the Middle East slipping out from under its feet will emerge.
This possibility is a nightmare scenario for strategic planners in Washington.
In that case, they would have left Syria in the hands of Russia and excluded themselves from the strategic equation, according to their own logic!
The medium and long-term plans of the political Islamist government in Turkey align perfectly with this policy of the EU and the US.
And this is where the crux of the matter lies.
Let us write it more clearly.
Tayyip will not send the Syrians, Afghans, Pakistanis, and Africans in Turkey back, no matter the cost.
No one should wait in vain. He would even risk a civil war if necessary.
Because refugees are the most powerful strategic tool in Tayyip's hands to turn the Turkish nation into an ummah and transform the country into a multi-identity, multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, and multi-sectarian federal Islamic republic.
The irreversible deterioration of the country's demographic structure will serve the government's interests.
If the Salafi vaccine, which is being administered to Anatolia especially through Syrians, takes hold, secularism will no longer be mentioned in Turkey.
The issue of the Constitution amendment, which Tayyip persistently brings to the agenda and which CHP's politically inexperienced Chairman Özgür Özel—who cannot seem to clarify his ideological mind—is also "receptive" to, must be evaluated within this framework.
This is also behind the absurd efforts of Western-funded agents, Kurdish nationalists, Islamists, fake leftists, and soft-brained liberals to turn the Turkish nation into "Türkiyeli" (people of Turkey).
Tayyip wants to strip my fellow citizens of their status as equal and honorable citizens of the Republic of Turkey, turn them back into subjects, and then become the caliph of the ummah for his "sacred cause," which he never stops talking about.
Anyone who is not blind can see this.
He is aware that he cannot do this without making the refugees permanent in Turkey.
Tayyip may only take a step back if he sees that the reaction in society has reached a point that will remove him from power!
While writing the book “Syrian Migration” published in 2018, I witnessed that the government made a special effort for Syrians to come to Turkey and that the MIT even organized the first wave of migration. They had fed this to my fellow citizens nicely as "Ansar, Muhajir." The project was put into practice back then.
What about the opposition?
It would be wishful thinking to expect anything from CHP Chairman Özgür Özel, who cannot overcome his sense of inferiority against Tayyip and has failed to grasp the seriousness of the refugee issue. Not only is he unaware of the importance of the issue, but he also thinks it is a skill to speak with the mouth of a fake leftist.
Yet, he has a historical responsibility on his shoulders, and he is not aware of it.
He recently came out and made an extremely meaningless statement that falls apart no matter how you look at it: “If we make progress on the Assad issue tomorrow or the next day, I will even get an appointment from Mr. Erdoğan. If necessary, I will even mediate the meeting between Assad and Erdoğan. As long as we sit at the table. If money is needed for this, I will find that money from the EU.”
Let's skip his playing at being a government official by being meddlesome; what is this about “I will find money from the EU”!
Unfortunately, he thinks that being a sidekick to Tayyip is politics.
Today, there are three names in Turkey who are truly concerned about the issue.
Zafer Party leader Ümit Özdağ, Bolu Mayor Tanju Özcan, and Afyon Mayor Burcu Köksal.
Let us give credit to Ümit Özdağ.
He is the only name who follows developments most closely, works the hardest, and develops concrete politics and offers concrete solutions.
Unlike the foggy, blurry politics of the CHP they belong to, which appeals to fake leftists, funded agents, and soft-brained liberals, Tanju Özcan and Burcu Köksal maintain an uncompromising stance on refugees.
On the other hand, although the reaction in society seems to be growing, a significant portion of the tradesmen and SME owners who make up the AKP's voter base are not very keen on sending the refugees back. They employ them in every corner of Turkey without insurance and for almost a third of the price of Turks in almost every sector.
Who cares if my fellow citizens are left unemployed!
Let us not pass without mentioning the security dimension of the issue.
The refugees have no sense of gratitude toward my fellow citizens who share their bread and jobs and who—despite the great economic crisis—still do not speak out against them, except for a few isolated incidents.
They see Turkey as a country to be plundered.
The funded agents fed by the EU are also waiting in the wings, saying, “If only someone would react to them so we could stir things up.”
They know very well that the political Islamist government is behind them as they roam the streets, avenues, and beaches as if they own the place. They are aware that they are privileged in the eyes of Tayyip and the AKP.
Across Turkey, my fellow citizens have almost become unable to enter coasts, beaches, parks, and gardens. Families are afraid even when taking their small children to playgrounds. Everyone is uneasy.
There are thousands of accounts on social media that insult my fellow citizens without hesitation. They do not just stop at insulting; they also threaten.
They are that confident.
Prosecutors who find the “crime of insulting the President” in a sentence written with a hidden subject, for some reason, ignore the refugee accounts that spew hatred at the Turkish people.
In short, my fellow citizens need to be aware of the danger in some way. Let us end our article by saying that as long as a strong social stance that will force Tayyip to take a step back does not emerge, the chances of this demographic operation against Turkey succeeding will increase that much more.
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