There is no process, there is 'give-and-take'

Actually, this was already being discussed before the 2023 elections.

While the other side was busy with the 'Table of Six', Kılıçdaroğlu's candidacy, the parliamentary seats for former AKP members, and Meral Abla's whims, the opposing side was looking for a way to make Tayyip a candidate again in the next election, that is, in 2028.

Not many people dwelled on the matter back then because the CHP members, who had been severely misled by the hype of polling companies, were under the impression that Kılıçdaroğlu would win the election.

Therefore, there was no point in thinking about 2028 yet.

But that is not how it turned out.

Kılıçdaroğlu lost first the election, then the party congress. Özgür Özel, whom he had raised by his side for 12 years, became the head of the party. The CHP emerged as the leading party in the March 31 local elections, and with all the talk of 'softening' and 'normalization', we suddenly saw that what was being whispered in the deep corridors of Ankara early last year was taking shape.

Those who know or recognize the political Islamist mindset were already expecting Tayyip to pull a rabbit out of his hat after the local elections.

But we were surprised that he did it so quickly.

While he had Özgür Özel under his thumb, he could have pushed through a constitutional amendment with the CHP that would keep him in that seat until his final days.

Özgür Özel was already inclined toward this. Despite the fact that he misses no opportunity to get into his good graces, seek shelter under his wing, and receive a big 'well done', Tayyip made his calculations through Bahçeli and pressed the button.

I asked a couple of well-informed people in Ankara who have their ears to the ground. “Why,” I asked, “did Tayyip leave Özgür Özel hanging? If he had said, 'Let's do a Kurdish opening together,' Özgür Özel would have come running.”

The answer I received was striking.

“Özgür Özel would have gone, but we don't know how many of the CHP deputies would have followed him. Even when Tayyip gave the instruction to stand up when he entered Parliament, the party group was divided into three. Some did not enter the General Assembly hall, some did not stand up. If he couldn't make the deputies listen to him on such a simple matter, how would he make them listen on the Kurdish issue! Tayyip didn't take the risk.

For this reason, he thought that as soon as he won over the DEM Party, he could make a constitutional amendment that would pave the way for his re-candidacy without having to go to a referendum.

Tayyip wants to carry his cadres and his legacy into the future. It is also possible to call this preparation for the post-Tayyip era.

He sees that not only has he failed to fully institutionalize political Islam in Turkey since 2002, but also that the Ataturkist, Republican wind has been blowing with increasing intensity in recent years.

He must feel that the Neo-Hamidian regime will collapse after him, so he wants to completely demolish and dismantle Turkey's political foundation—while he is still capable and of sound mind—to escape the corner he has painted himself into.

He is calculating that by rebuilding it as he sees fit after the demolition, he will leave a 'thornless rose garden' for whoever comes after him.

That is why he first created a 'controlled tremor' to see the potential results of this collapse.

This is what lies behind the move that involved Bahçeli and caught everyone off guard.

With everyone shaking hands with the DEM members at the beginning of October, and the subsequent statement that “The terrorist leader should speak in Parliament,” we started talking about a new opening process.

However, it didn't take us long to realize that things were not as they seemed.

There is no new opening process or anything of the sort. And there won't be...

There is only a 'give-and-take' between Tayyip and the DEM members.

In other words, they will sit at the table to negotiate based on the unique logic of the Middle East.

No one is going to sit down and negotiate anything at length.

The topics are already more or less clear.

Tayyip will say, 'Let's make a new Constitution, you pave the way for my re-candidacy, give me the Presidency, and I will release Apo, I won't appoint trustees to your municipalities; let's remove the term 'Turk' from the Constitution, and so on...'

He will put everything on the table that will tickle the souls of the Kurdish nationalists.

It is clear that once the DEM members get what they want, including the release of Apo, they won't care much about the rest.

They won't be too bothered if Tayyip becomes President for life, if the regime in Turkey becomes completely authoritarian, and if democracy, human rights, and the rule of law are finished entirely.

Since the previous 'opening' process dragged on and became complicated, this time they seem to be acting with a much faster 'let's just get on the road' mentality.

Last time, the government had done backflips, so to speak, to convince the people of this country.

This time, they will solve the issue in Parliament.

They have a four-year period ahead of them until 2028.

If things go as Tayyip wants, with Apo calling on the organization to lay down arms and announcing that he has dissolved the PKK, the government will have gained extremely powerful propaganda material.

Tayyip will be presented to the people of this country as the leader who 'ended terrorism'.

Let's say those in Qandil accept this. Then what will you do about the YPG and PYD, which are sitting in the lap of the US in northern Syria?

They have found a story for that, too. Supposedly, Turkey will take the cantons in this region under its own protection and will reach the borders defined in the National Pact (Misak-ı Milli).

Of course, if you believe that, I have a bridge to sell you.

We are experiencing a 'unique' process that is very fast and based almost entirely on statements made right before our eyes. But this process is also severely irritating the nerves of the people of this country. Let us conclude our article by saying that we will see in due time whether Tayyip's plans will work out in practice.