Every year when April arrives, Turkey enters a period of anxious waiting. This is because allegations regarding the so-called Armenian genocide are brought to the agenda every April. Moreover, these allegations are primarily put forward in the West, in the USA, and in European countries—in other words, in states that Turkey supposedly views as friends or allies. As the old saying goes, these states, which are friendly on the outside but hostile on the inside, use their parliaments—their highest political decision-making bodies—which are supposedly friendly but essentially hostile toward Turkey, to accuse and condemn Turkey by distorting history and openly lying.
In April, news regarding the so-called genocide allegations intensifies in our media. Conferences in our universities become more frequent. The Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) waits for news from capitals around the world. The Turkish nation, in an anxious, worried, and painful manner, wonders what words the US President will use in his statement on April 24.
Will the US President address the issue thoroughly? Or will he gloss over it with a few words? Will he use the word "genocide" in his message? Or will he try to manage both Turkey and Armenia by using words like "massacre," "historical tragedy," or "great human suffering" without saying "genocide"? How will the Jewish lobby in the USA take a stance against the Armenian and Greek lobbies, which have been collaborating on this issue for years?
These questions can, of course, be multiplied.
Meanwhile, some people "from within" in Turkey argue that we need to "confront our history." Some say, "we must make peace with our history." The DEM Party continues to support Armenian theses in discussions and votes at the Council of Europe on this matter.
Despite the fact that historical facts are clear and archives are open, some intellectuals from Turkey (note: not Turkish intellectuals) who defend the so-called genocide allegations raise their voices. They make a great effort to first receive praise from Europe and then to receive funding. In this way, the number of those who think they will receive a Nobel Prize increases. However, since that quota is full, they settle for funding; and since US funding was largely cut when Trump became president for the second time, they do not find what they expected.
There are also those who think that if Turkey accepts the so-called genocide allegations, we will enter the European Union more easily. One is immediately reminded of the question asked by Turgut Özal—whom the "fake republican," identity politics-advocating, "it's not enough but yes" crowd, and the signatories of "ozurdiliyoruz.com" hold in such high regard—to the Washington Ambassador of the time in front of journalists during his 1991 trip to the USA: "Wouldn't it be better if we just accepted the Armenian genocide and got it over with?"
There are also those wandering around who force the Turkish nation to take on and accept a crime it did not commit, offering advice by saying, "The genocide was committed during the imperial era. We are a separate state."
Furthermore, there are non-governmental organizations in Turkey that adopt and support the 3T policy (recognition, compensation, land) pursued by the Armenian diaspora.
It is a fact that one of the ways to salute US imperialism and receive praise from the European Union or England in Turkey is to voice the so-called genocide lie. The return for speaking this imperialist lie is high. Professional chambers, unions, democratic mass organizations, publishing houses, media, political parties, and universities are full of types who are fed, funded, and profit from this lie. In addition to the "ozurdiliyoruz.com" team and the "it's not enough but yes" crowd, the "yes be annem" (yes, my dear) group in the TRNC, the fake republicans, and the leftists of FETÖ all chew on this same lie.
Moreover, since the European Union Parliament's recognition of the so-called genocide allegations in recent years is binding for the EU, Turkey's already impossible EU membership has entered an even greater deadlock. This is because the EU will place the recognition of the so-called genocide allegations before Turkey as a prerequisite for full membership. Because this decision taken by the European Union Parliament has become a part of the EU acquis. Because a country that is an EU candidate cannot become a full member without accepting this acquis. Therefore, this decision is also binding for Turkey if it wants to become a full member.
The historical fact is this: While Turks were defending their homeland during the First World War, they tried to prevent the sabotage activities led by Armenian gangs behind the front lines, under the conditions of the time, as a last resort, with the Relocation and Resettlement Law enacted in 1915, or as it is widely referred to, the deportation.
The legal fact is this: Just as there is not a single court decision in the world that has ruled on the so-called genocide allegations, there are no serious, scientific archival documents that support these allegations.
The political fact is this: The so-called genocide allegations are not a historical or legal issue, but a political one. Therefore, their solution is not a matter of archives, history, or law. The path to a solution is political.
The parties to the issue are also not Turkey and Armenia, but primarily Turkey and imperialist centers.
The goal of the so-called genocide allegations is to show the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, the heroes of the War of Independence—led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk—and the cadres who founded the Republic—again led by Atatürk—as genocide criminals, to smear the War of Independence, and to shake the historical and political foundations of the Republic of Turkey.
In conclusion, to fight against the so-called genocide allegations, in addition to having solid, real, and strong scientific knowledge, ideological clarity and political consistency are also required. In the words of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, it is essential to strengthen the internal front. Besides this, it is essential to explain the facts to the outside world with a comprehensive public diplomacy and political communication strategy. In a process where political parties, both in government and opposition, are experiencing confusion and are focused on the struggle for seats, comprehensive, consistent, and holistic work cannot be expected from them on this issue. Therefore, great duties fall upon universities, democratic mass organizations, and true intellectuals.
Against these new attacks, Turkey must adopt a production economy and prioritize communal, populist, statist, and public-oriented economic policies. It must follow an education policy that takes reason and science as its guide. It must consolidate the rule of law and democratic participation. It must pursue a region-centered foreign policy.
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