Why were Kemalist intellectuals murdered?

Turkey is, unfortunately, a country that has sacrificed many of its intellectuals to terrorism. Both before the September 12, 1980 coup and during the 1990s, numerous journalists, scientists, researchers, and writers were murdered. The common characteristic of these intellectuals, who were taken from us as a result of political assassinations, is that they were Republican, Kemalist, patriotic, enlightenment-oriented, and leftist individuals. Whether it was the political assassinations before 1980 or those after 1990, it is no coincidence that the intellectuals targeted by imperialism were Kemalist and Republican. Let us not forget that from Cavit Orhan Tütengil to Bedri Karafakıoğlu, from Ümit Doğanay to Doğan Öz, from Muammer Aksoy to Uğur Mumcu, from Ahmet Taner Kışlalı to Bahriye Üçok, and from Ümit Kaftancıoğlu to Necip Hablemitoğlu, all of the murdered intellectuals were highly respected and very influential. They were pioneers in society.

Undoubtedly, imperialism and its collaborators had a calculation when murdering these intellectuals. They had political and social goals. Their primary objectives were to create fear, anxiety, suspicion, and worry in society, to alienate the public from politics, and to create doubts in the nation's mind regarding the future of the state. Imperialism also wanted to create polarization in society, to incite right-wing versus left-wing, nationalist versus revolutionary, and Alevi versus Sunni tensions, just as it sought to create Turkish-Kurdish tension.

There is more to it.

First, the murdered Republican and Kemalist intellectuals were individuals who represented a very important ideological, political, social, cultural, and intellectual vein. They were pioneers and respected figures. They were names known for defending the founding philosophy of the Republic of Turkey, as well as for their pro-society, populist, pro-labor, and enlightenment-oriented choices, and they held high prestige and respect among the public.

Second, imperialism in Turkey does not see political Islamism, communism, nationalism, or conservatism as its greatest enemy. For imperialism in Turkey, the greatest enemy is Kemalist thought. Therefore, Kemalist intellectuals are the greatest enemies of imperialism and its collaborators. Indeed, political Islamists, "number-crunching" republican liberals, and ethnic separatists have always formed alliances against Republicans and Atatürkists.

Third, a large portion of the Turkish nation and the Turkish people define themselves as Atatürkist. Despite all the attacks it has faced from within and outside Turkey since Atatürk's death—even when Atatürk was attacked within the very party he founded—Atatürkism remains very strong. As a natural result of this, the intellectuals most accepted by the public are Republican-Atatürkist-Kemalist intellectuals.

Fourth, Republican and Kemalist ideas, and nationalism along the lines of Atatürk, have been rising rapidly in recent years, especially among the youth. Contrary to the claims of certain liberal and neo-liberal circles (we know these circles particularly from the İletişim Yayınları and Birikim magazine circles; we also know them as "number-crunching" republicans and Second Republicans; we remember them as the leftists of FETÖ), Atatürkism is not a thought confined to civil-military bureaucratic circles or trapped within certain classes, groups, and layers of society. It is a thought with very solid roots all over our country, far beyond the urban, educated middle classes.

Fifth, the murdered Republican-Kemalist intellectuals were individuals with strong leadership potential due to their education, knowledge, experience, courage, diligence, and struggles. Their murder has inevitably paved the way for mediocre, unqualified, and incompetent individuals, especially in leftist politics, and has increased their influence. It has lowered the quality of politics, media, and academia. It has hindered scientific and intellectual production. The void left by these murdered intellectuals has not been filled.

In short, imperialism's murder of Kemalist intellectuals not only proves that imperialism sees Kemalism as its greatest enemy, but it also demonstrates the solid roots of Kemalist thought in society and the influence of Kemalist intellectuals in the eyes of the public.