The partial disclosure of the Jeffrey Epstein documents by the US Department of Justice has naturally triggered an intense debate surrounding political figures, power relations, and intimate connections. This debate was largely justified. The question of how power, money, and invisible networks operate is always legitimate. However, something remarkable happened this time: the crime itself, how the crime was made possible, the perpetrator mentality, and behavioral patterns remained in the shadow of the debate.
Yet, there are some crimes that, if you reduce them only to the question of “who knew whom,” you miss the actual mechanism. Sexual abuse of children is at the forefront of these.
A significant portion of the discussions revolving around the Epstein case either turns this phenomenon into a grand “organized conspiracy” or, conversely, tries to explain it as a “singular perversion.” Both approaches read the issue incompletely. At this point, the 2001 report by retired FBI special agent Kenneth V. Lanning, prepared in collaboration with the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention under the US Department of Justice and the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children (NCMEC), stands in an extremely instructive place. I found this report among the texts disclosed by the US Department of Justice.
DENIAL, EXAGGERATION, AND PROFESSIONAL BLINDNESS
In the very introduction of the Lanning report, he makes an important warning: The issue of child sexual abuse is a field that has historically been managed through “denial.” Societies do not want to accept the existence of such crimes; when they do accept it, they often swing between two extremes: they either underestimate the problem or produce narratives that exceed reality.
One of the most remarkable aspects of the report is that it also maintains a clear distance from exaggerated and unsubstantiated claims in this field. Lanning emphasizes that rhetoric such as “one in every three children is abused” or “global child slavery networks are everywhere” are narratives that are not based on evidence and often hinder professional intervention. According to him, the facts are already heavy enough; therefore, they do not need embellishment.
This finding is of vital importance in terms of the Epstein debates. Because we either make the concrete dynamics of the crime invisible by attributing everything to a grand and invisible conspiracy, or conversely, we close the issue by calling it an “extraordinary exception.” Lanning’s approach suggests a third way: Behavioral analysis.
TYPOLOGY OF CRIME: WHO, HOW, WHY?
Lanning’s report addresses perpetrators who commit sexual abuse against children through two main axes: situational and preferential offenders. This distinction is not a psychiatric diagnosis; it is a behavioral typology developed for law and law enforcement practice.
The important question in this framework is: Is perpetrator identity merely a pathological deviation, or is it shaped in accordance with specific social, economic, and institutional conditions?
Lanning focuses particularly on “acquaintance molesters.” These perpetrators are not strangers who make random contact with children; they are people who can build relationships of trust, are seen as “respectable” by their surroundings, and are often integrated into institutional or social networks. This point highlights a truth often overlooked in the Epstein case: Such crimes usually derive their invisibility not from abnormality, but from proximity to normality.
RITUAL, SECRECY, AND CONTINUITY
One of the most striking sections of the report is its explanation of the difference between the criminals' modus operandi (the methods and procedures for committing the crime) and ritual. According to Lanning, for many sex offenders, certain behaviors are not just necessary tools to commit the crime, but also recurring rituals that provide psychological satisfaction. These rituals make the criminal’s behavior more predictable; however, they also ensure that they go unnoticed for a long time.
This analysis provides a simple but disturbing answer to the question frequently asked in the Epstein case: “How did they not get caught for so long?” Because such crimes often operate not with noise, but with silence.
WHY DO CHILDREN NOT SPEAK?
Perhaps one of the most shattering findings of the Lanning report is why children do not talk about what they have experienced. Shame, guilt, complex bonds formed with the perpetrator, and the fear that adults will not believe them fuel the silence. Especially when it comes to acquaintance molesters, it becomes difficult for children to even label what they are experiencing as a “crime.”
Children are forced into relationships that are contrary to societal norms, are made partners in behaviors that are “morally” condemnable, and children begin to see themselves in some way as the “perpetrator” of the crime. Thus, they fall into silence. This is also what happens to some of those who participate in child abuse. Even those who are not yet complicit in the crime feel a “sense of complicity,” and the goal is achieved.
On the other hand, the condemning gazes of the family and society make it difficult for people to confess and to expose the crime and the criminal. Especially if the perpetrators of the crime are influential people... We see similar situations in practice in Turkey as well. Young victims of abuse cannot understand that they have been abused for a long time. While being abused, they code the harassing behaviors and words directed at them as “love” or “attention” and count them as a substitute for the attention and love they lack. The primary duty that falls upon all of us, especially families, is to refrain from condemning the victim and, in particular, to approach children with compassion. Our children, hoping to find compassion and understanding in someone else, even if only in appearance, fall into the abuser’s web.
DO NOT LET SATISFYING OUR CURIOSITY PREVENT US FROM UNDERSTANDING AND TAKING PRECAUTIONS
Lanning’s report tells us this: Sexual abuse of children is neither merely an individual perversion nor always a massive and organized conspiracy. Most of the time, it exists alongside the blind spots of institutions, social denial, and the behavioral mastery of the perpetrator.
The Epstein files will, of course, have political, legal, and ethical consequences. However, looking at these files only through the lens of “who knew whom” does not help us understand the crime, but only satisfies our curiosity. What is actually needed, as Lanning suggests, is a professional perspective that is free from exaggeration, does not fall into conspiracy, and focuses on behavior.
Perhaps the most disturbing truth is this: These crimes are not as “extraordinary” as we think. And precisely for this reason, to understand them, we need composure rather than sensation.
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