The effort to say, "Whatever we did, we did for the supreme interests of our state," and the attempts by those who use the interests of the country and the state as a shield for theft, corruption, mafia-like activities, and new types of militaristic formations tailored to individuals and groups—and who ultimately try to hide the extent of all these dirty relationships behind values that we all respect, such as the "supreme interest of the state"—have become as ridiculous in this quarter of the twenty-first century as they are, unfortunately, a lived reality.
Whoever tries to cover up theft, lawlessness that extends to murder, rent-seeking, or the use of state resources for personal gain by using the "supreme interests of the state" as a shield, is, in the name of defending the state, undoubtedly handing the greatest and most unattainable opportunity to the enemies of the Republic on all fronts.
Defending the Republic of Turkey—a secular, democratic, and social state of law founded by a genius like Atatürk, before whom the whole world bows in envy—does not grant anyone the ignobility and baseness of being a henchman for a "Reşo Ağa" in the east, or expecting privileges as a servant to some mafia or terrorist organization.
Let us be careful; it is wrong to see corruption as limited only to public administration, bureaucracy, and certain areas of state organization. Let us look at political party organizations, civil society organizations, and local governments. This corruption, which extends to the smallest institutions and units, confronts us in every field through degradation, rent-seeking, and graft. Unfortunately, the infrastructure of moral decay in public administration is formed by the "rent-seeking" mentality within political party organizations.
Economic policies, especially after 1980, have overturned income distribution and economic justice; legal paths to growth based on hard work have been virtually blocked. This process has turned large impoverished masses into human resources for the PKK in the east, for marginal movements in many parts of Anatolia, and especially for religious communities and sects.
After 1980, political parties adopted a model of political growth based on feeding their supporters with the mentality of "wherever I can get a piece of the state, it's profit," instead of virtuous, national economic and social policies. For this reason, there is almost no political version left in Parliament today that does not carry suspicion or is not involved in allegations of corruption and irregularity.
As a society, as a nation, we need a top-to-bottom reform. Choosing a few scapegoats in the name of reform and finishing the job only means that the rent, cronyism, and theft have changed hands.
The address for the solution to this troubled process we are experiencing in the name of globalization is not so-called "international law." With the collapse of the Soviets, the secret cold war continuing in our region between the USA, China, the UK, and Germany is being conducted through Turkey. With rhetoric about "human rights" and "international law," we are being pulled toward the line of internal fragmentation seen during the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.
Our aspiration is a democratic, secular state of law that respects human rights, despite the West. Because history, as well as today, shows how the West crushes the most fundamental human and national values when its interests are at stake.
Anatolia is the heir to a great accumulation of civilization extending from Mete Han to Alparslan, from Saladin to Osman Bey, from Fatih to Atatürk. This historical and cultural synthesis is the strongest guide for our Republic. The people of Anatolia have lived together with tolerance, democracy, and independence for centuries.
The enemies of this fabric, which they want to destroy today, are the same as they were yesterday. Whatever the struggle of figures like Aşık Paşa and Yunus Emre was in the 13th century, the trouble Anatolia is experiencing today is the same.
Income distribution is sounding an alarm. This injustice cannot keep large masses in either the center-right or the center-left. The preference of those turning toward reactionism and religious sects is not ideological, but largely economic.
The first link in the reorganization of the system is the correction of income distribution. In addition, it is essential to liquidate the landlordism that has become a festering sore in the east and to urgently make public institutions transparent.
The negatives created by today's political staffing practices are paving the way for more insidious structures.
It is time to be braver. Unless serious, radical reforms are initiated in state organization and economic policies, it is inevitable that we will face a great collapse tomorrow that we will all be crushed under.
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