Our country has been experiencing both political and economic polarization in recent years. While this polarization manifests itself in all areas of society, it is particularly prominent in the fields of law and representation in democracy, and in income distribution in the economy.
For a long time, our country has been experiencing casino capitalism under a structure that holds a monopoly on democracy and justice. This structure, which does not produce or create employment, continues on its path by punishing those who produce and work, while being built on enriching those who do not deserve it. This injustice has become dominant in both the economy and politics.
They cannot seem to abandon the concept of a police state that the political power has consciously substituted for the welfare state it dismantled. Although they have embraced M. Friedman’s monetarist tight monetary policy, we see that they apply this approach not to the economy, but to the downsizing of the state. Furthermore, although tight monetary policy is anti-inflationary, it is a fact that they continue to pursue an inflationary monetary policy, that is, printing money without backing.
In economic terms, the government has downsized the state regarding fundamental rights and freedoms. Because it presented the state's active role in the economy as if it were an obstacle to democracy and freedom, it viewed citizens' voting in elections as a process reflecting their free will, and used the voting mechanism as a tool for anti-democratization. The political power also set anti-Atatürkism as its goal. On one hand, while dismantling Atatürk's principles and revolutions one by one, on the other hand, it imposed on our country a neo-liberal policy—an imperialist ideology fed by blood, tears, war, and poverty—under the name of moderate Islam, and implemented polarization both politically and economically under the guise of conservatism.
When we look at the current situation, our society has been experiencing economic and political polarization for a long time. While our country was a four-class society, the middle class, which is a productive class, was liquidated. Because the middle class, on one hand, forms the national bourgeoisie, and on the other, is the cornerstone of creating a small-bourgeois intellectual society. Since this class was liquidated, both democracy and politics have become subjects of debate today. The political power has liquidated everything that is national in its name and character. On the other hand, it politicized science, which is the fundamental field of production for universities, and opened them up to religious communities (cemaats). In the final analysis, religion was made dominant over science. But it should not be forgotten that science always wins. Today, we have become a two-class society: the rich in the minority and the poor in the majority. Politically, it has split into two: patriots and non-patriots, or those who support Lausanne and those who support Sèvres.
What is most dire here is that political parties, while competing over Liberal and Neo-Liberal policies other than Atatürk, are in a brotherhood against Atatürk's economic policies. In fact, all parties defend a single policy in economic terms, and that is Neo-Liberalism. The translation of this is: you exploit a lot, I exploit a little; you commit a lot of corruption, I commit a little corruption. There is only one policy and value that will end this polarization, poverty, and unemployment, and that is the principles and revolutions of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. A return to Atatürk's public-oriented, planned, statist industrialization and agricultural policy will be our country's salvation. There is no other way to salvation.
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