Habertürk TV Editor-in-Chief M. Akif Ersoy, while beginning an interview with DEM Party MP and Deputy Speaker of Parliament Sırrı Süreyya Önder regarding Öcalan's call, stated, "I have a valuable guest this evening. It is a great pleasure to host Mr. Önder."
Yet, the same M. Akif Ersoy was in a completely different mood about four years ago when responding to criticisms regarding the embargo they had imposed on HDP members. In summary, he had declared, "...We do not invite individuals and representatives who do not view the PKK as a terrorist organization and do not condemn its bloody actions to our discussion programs, in accordance with universal broadcasting principles and our own editorial policy."

Experienced journalist Zafer Arapkirli, while congratulating Habertürk and Ersoy for abandoning the embargo policy following this broadcast, also drew attention to the error of the embargo itself:
"You had already made a mistake from the very beginning by setting a rule that 'a journalist does not talk to this person, does not bring that person on screen.' A journalist should not have such rules."
"No one can be excluded from being brought on screen for a well-prepared interview—even if we do not agree with their political stance, views, program, or ideology—provided they are people who engage in politics on legitimate grounds, are rigorously questioned, and the current laws are not violated. An embargo cannot be imposed."
Arapkirli is absolutely right. A journalist cannot impose an embargo on anyone; especially not exclude or ignore the representatives in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey of a party that has received millions of votes. A journalist speaks with everyone about every subject, while keeping a distance from evil and exposing wrongdoing.
From this perspective, the embargo by Ersoy and Habertürk was a grave journalistic error, and it is good that it was abandoned. However, Ersoy and Habertürk owe their audience an explanation. How did Sırrı Süreyya Önder turn into a "valuable guest"? Since the political line of the DEM Party, which is an extension of the HDP, has not changed, did they conclude that the embargo was wrong?
It cannot be done by glossing over it and ignoring past bravado. M. Akif Ersoy and Habertürk are obligated to explain the answers to these questions to their audience in a satisfactory manner.
It is not just Habertürk; other news channels that have practiced censorship for years by avoiding naming the DEM line, but are now broadcasting speeches by that party's executives, must also explain this change in stance to their viewers.
ARE HEALTH REPORTERS MINISTRY CLERKS?
The "training seminar" organized by the Ministry of National Defense for "defense reporters" seems to have created a new trend. The Ministry of Health has also organized a "training program" for health reporters.
In the program organized by the Ministry in collaboration with Anadolu Agency, presentations were made on "Combating disinformation and public diplomacy," "The language of health journalism and ethical and legal dimensions in health reporting," "Health communication and combating disinformation," and "Health journalism news simulation." The purpose of the program was stated as "increasing the accuracy of health news and gaining the ability to report health-related issues in an ethically and scientifically accurate manner."
I wish health reporters had not attended a program that reduces them to the level of ministry clerks. Ministry bureaucrats attempting to provide training to journalists is an activity contrary to the nature of journalism. Because the ministry and its bureaucrats are the journalists' news sources. A news source cannot and should not determine how news is created. But the ministry bureaucrats sat down and explained what kind of health reporters and news they wanted; it is truly a pity.
A journalist cannot approach ministry activities and the entire health sector critically while remaining within the boundaries drawn by the ministry. Therefore, it should have been the journalists, not the ministry, who voiced their expectations and problems regarding how communication should be conducted.
If the Ministry of Health had adopted transparency as a principle instead of dictating journalism to reporters, more effective progress could have been made in the fight against disinformation. There is no need to look far; this ministry still has not even properly disclosed the number of those who lost their lives during the pandemic process.
CABINET PREDICTORS FAILED AGAIN
The "Cabinet Toto" games began immediately after the AKP's defeat in the local elections. The "cabinet revision rumors" that periodically surfaced in the media had been stuck on the party congress for some time; some were reporting that certain ministers would be replaced before the congress, while others claimed it would happen immediately after.
President Erdoğan moving the congress date forward was also interpreted as a sign of "major changes in the party and cabinet." For example, TGRT Haber Ankara Representative Fatih Atik stated before the congress that there would be major changes in the party administration and cabinet, and that 6-7 ministers would be replaced; he even named Mahinur Ö. Göktaş, Ömer Bolat, Vedat Işıkhan, and M. Nuri Ersoy. Speaking on the same program, former AKP MP Şamil Tayyar said, "There is only one minister whose position is guaranteed. That is Mehmet Şimşek."
Even BBC Turkish published reports asking, "AKP: Will the change in the organizations be reflected in the party administration?" and indicated that Erdoğan could make limited changes to the cabinet a few days before or on the evening of the congress.

Even Abdülkadir Selvi, who avoids "Cabinet Toto" based on his previous experiences, said two days before the AKP congress, "A cabinet change is expected after the congress. Next week, there will be changes in both the party administration and the cabinet," though he did not provide names. Meanwhile, Cumhuriyet's report titled "Radical changes are being made in the AKP administration and cabinet" stated that "at least five ministers would be replaced after the congress" and provided names.
On the night before the AKP congress, the "Cabinet Toto" speculation on television reached its peak. Halk TV broadcasted under the headline "All eyes on the Official Gazette"; when the list did not appear, the situation was glossed over with the subtitle, "The expected change in the Cabinet did not happen tonight."
Sinan Burhan said on his program on TV100, "A cabinet change will be made in the coming days. I think the most important parameter lies with the ministers related to the 'Terror-Free Turkey' process. It is stated that the President will not include the names he is considering as ministers in the MYK (Central Executive Board) and MKYK (Central Decision and Administrative Board)." He added that Vedat Demiröz, who could not make it onto the list, might become a minister. Confirming him, Murat Kelkitlioğlu said, "None of the ministers to be dismissed will be members of the MYK or MKYK. I have information that it will be announced on Friday. It is not very comprehensive or broad; the information is limited to a maximum of 4-5 ministers."
When no changes occurred on the day of the congress, the "insiders" naturally pushed the date further back. Habertürk Ankara Representative Fevzi Çakır said on the day of the congress, "I think (the President's) cabinet plan is ready, he has determined the names. Of course, the timing is at his discretion. It could be this week, after the holiday, or in June. I don't see the possibility of the most comprehensive revision of the AK Party era as very distant." On A Haber, it was also suggested that the change might be left until April.
In short, there are many scenarios, but one thing is clear: two weeks have passed since the congress, those waiting for a change have grown tired of watching the Official Gazette, but Erdoğan still has not made any changes. Those who wrote "insider information" and those who showed off on screen saying, "I just received new information on my phone," were wrong once again.
It is well known that Erdoğan makes his decisions within a narrow circle and that it is not easy to leak information from there. Journalists should accept this reality and report on cabinet changes accordingly.
CONVICTION RATES IN THE JUDICIARY AND PRESUMPTION OF INNOCENCE
According to justice statistics, out of 1 million 965 thousand people tried in criminal courts in 2023, only 682 thousand were convicted! The others were either acquitted or received decisions such as the deferment of the verdict.
Those convicted do not even make up 35 percent of those tried. The conviction rate for those taken into custody during investigations is likely even lower; those convicted probably do not even reach 20 percent.

With the judiciary in this state, the "presumption of innocence" gains even greater importance. In reports on investigations and trials, it should be a priority not to smear innocent people or portray them as guilty.
Unfortunately, in practice, these principles are not given sufficient attention; people who are investigated or taken into custody are immediately declared guilty. The role of pro-government media in targeting and acting as a judge in operations against opposition municipalities is well known. However, there can also be reports in opposition media that put people under investigation in difficult situations.
The latest example was the publication of the names and photos of 22 people detained at the Beykoz Municipality on the Parantez program on HalkTV. These individuals were placed under suspicion, but later only Beykoz Mayor Alaattin Köseler and 12 others were arrested; we do not even know if any of them will be convicted after the trial.
In a single sentence:
• Companies like Vodafone and Türk Telekom took journalists to Barcelona for the Mobile World Congress and to Berlin for the International Tourism Fair as guests, covering their travel expenses.
• On the day Hürriyet ran with the headline "Missing Ece scenarios," Milliyet managed to include the news of architect Ece Gürel being found in its final editions, reporting it on the front page.
• Türkiye newspaper announced Hyundai's preparations to produce electric cars in Turkey with the headline "Button pressed for domestic electric vehicle," effectively labeling the South Korean company as "domestic."
• Yeni Şafak published a promotional text for the AKP-run Gürsu municipality in Bursa as a full-page news story without even including a "This is an advertisement" disclaimer.
• Akşam ran a story titled "81 more lives lost to bootleg alcohol," but 81 people had not died "again" from bootleg alcohol in Ankara; rather, the total number of deaths from this cause over the last month had risen to 81.
• AA and İHA published the logo on the bus belonging to the As Adana company, which crashed into barriers near Ankara after the driver fell ill, clearly, while CNN Türk blurred the name.
• Yeni Akit, which once reported that master artist Edip Akbayram had suffered a "secular attack" when he fell ill, continued its disrespect by reporting the artist's death with the headline "Ekrem's singer has died"; the report also included the lie that he had "hurled insults at religious people by calling them bastards."
• Following the appointment of Cengiz Özkarabekir as the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB) Publications Coordinator, the new issue of Tarih magazine was dedicated to the topic of "Local governments and democracy"; one article featured two photos of İBB Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu and praised projects such as the city restaurants.
• Agricultural Credit Cooperatives General Manager Hüseyin Aydın, instead of responding to the corruption and irregularity reports by Tarımdan Haber website Editor-in-Chief Sadettin İnan, insulted him without naming him by saying, "If we feed him, he will shut up."
• Sabah used a photo of a gendarmerie vehicle parked on the side of the road, which was completely irrelevant, in its report titled "Rolled into the abyss, remained under the tractor."
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