Has broadcasting from Incirlik suddenly become a crime?

During the Gulf War, US aircraft also used the Incirlik base for their attacks on Iraq. In those days, journalists would station themselves around the base, taking photos and footage, counting the planes as they took off and landed one after another.

Since those days, it had become a routine journalistic practice for reporters to go to the area around the base during every crisis in the region, observing the aircraft and reporting on the "activity."

Therefore, when the US and Israeli attack on Iran began, it was a natural journalistic reflex for ANKA to go to the vicinity of the Incirlik base and go live. Writing "Operational activity at Incirlik air base" at the bottom of the screen was an extremely ordinary, customary way of describing the situation. In fact, there was no real activity in the footage; only the takeoff of a single plane was visible, nothing more.

However, broadcasting from around Incirlik, which has been practiced freely for years, has now been declared a "crime"; an investigation was launched into ANKA's live broadcast, deeming it "risky in terms of national security."

The Adana Chief Public Prosecutor's Office ordered the detention of Mehlika Bilen, General Manager of Koza TV, which was filming for ANKA, reporter Sergen Ölçer, and cameraman Güral Bıçakçı, and subsequently, ANKA Editor-in-Chief Kenan Şener.

Moreover, the prosecutor's detention order requested that Kenan Şener, who was just a phone call away, be "apprehended" and taken to Adana. Kenan Şener went to the police station himself, but instead of having his statement taken there, he was taken from Ankara to Adana under police escort.

There was neither disinformation nor misleading information in ANKA's broadcast. There was no "military secret," nor was any classified information being conveyed. Only footage was being provided. This footage, at the same time, proved that there was no US plane taking off from Incirlik to participate in the operation in Iran.

Following the investigation launched against ANKA, our journalist colleague Can Ertuna shared a photo on social media taken while he was broadcasting from a rooftop near the Incirlik base during his time at NTV. Clippings of past broadcasts from Incirlik were also shared.

Launching an investigation into ANKA and the heavy-handed detention of journalists for a journalistic activity that has been considered unobjectionable for years is a clear intervention against freedom of the press and expression, and the public's right to receive information.

Journalism is being pressured, and reporters are being intimidated, once again...

The tobacco giant's lobbying activity

British American Tobacco (BAT) invited some journalists from Istanbul to Ankara to attend a meeting on the "Visionary approach for a smoke-free world."

The meeting was organized by the Omni Science platform, a subsidiary of BAT. Their goal was to create public opinion for the legalization of "new generation" smoke-free products, such as electronic cigarettes and heated tobacco, in Turkey and for BAT to dominate the market.

In most of the news reports regarding the meeting, the information that new-generation nicotine products are also harmful to health was not emphasized; instead, the focus was on the view that the illicit sale of these products causes tax losses, just as BAT intended.

Tax loss is certainly important. However, a journalist must prioritize human health above all else. One cannot hide behind the "less harmful" justification. Physicians describe these products as "poison" as well. Indeed, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Pınar Bostan, President of the Tobacco Control Working Group of the Turkish Thoracic Society, argued in her statement regarding the meeting that these products are setting a "trap of nicotine addiction for young people." Bostan emphasized that the total economic burden of tobacco use is 752 million TL and that the legalization of new products would increase usage by at least 10 percent.

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Osman Elbek, a member of the Executive Board of the TTB Tobacco Control Working Group, whose views I sought, also said, "The tobacco industry's arguments regarding new products/poisons are, like the previous ones, deceptive and misleading," and summarized his points as follows:

"The entry of transnational tobacco companies into Turkey in the 80s and their takeover of over 90 percent of the tobacco market was achieved through the manufacturing of consent. At that time, some journalists brought the tobacco companies' claims to the agenda without any criticism, ignored the addiction/health issue, and handled the subject only through 'smuggling' and 'tax revenues.' Today, some journalists are playing a role in the manufacturing of consent by violating the ethical principles of their profession. Yet, the subject should be individual and public health. Any form of tobacco use is a public health problem. Our expectation from journalists is that they be seekers of truth and facts.

Some journalists, let alone feeling this responsibility, prefer to hide from the public that these meetings are organized by tobacco companies by not writing the full name of BAT."

Indeed, some journalists did write that the meeting was organized by a tobacco company, but this information was missing in several reports. This is undoubtedly an important deficiency.

Most importantly, it should not have been enough to just convey marketing genius content like a "smoke-free future." A problem that affects human health cannot be viewed one-dimensionally. Furthermore, the healthy way to prevent tax loss on a product harmful to health is not to legalize the sale of those products, but to take measures that will reduce consumption and prevent their spread through illegal channels.

Of course, we must also investigate and question why the illegal entry and sale of these nicotine products into the country cannot be prevented.

The "Beykoz Media School" brotherhood

Looking at their journalistic lines, it is understandable that Fulya Öztürk, Buket Aydın, Çağlar Cilara, and Türker Akıncı would promote the Abdullah Çatlı film. However, it was striking that all three tried to promote the film through "curiosity."

Fulya Öztürk wrote in her post, "His life always remained dark; he was the most talked-about name of the 90s and beyond." She said, "I wonder what kind of film we will watch? It sparked curiosity."

Buket Aydın said in her post, "Details regarding Çatlı's extraordinary life have already become a subject of curiosity." Çağlar Cilara also wrote that Çatlı was "one of the most curious names of recent political history." Only Türker Akıncı promoted the film without using the word "curiosity."

Another common denominator of these four names, who have made it their duty to promote Çatlı's film, is that they are instructors at the "Beykoz Media School," founded by Özlem Vural Gürzel, the Deputy Mayor of Beykoz who switched from the CHP to the AKP.

Buket Aydın, Çağlar Cilara, and Türker Akıncı, along with Başak Şengül, had also shared the same text the previous week to support AKP's Adapazarı Mayor Mutlu Işıksu, who was accused of an extramarital affair. Their "curiosity" about Çatlı's film might stem from this partnership in Beykoz. Yet, Çatlı's life is known; it has been written and told many times.

He is a dark figure who was wanted for the murder of seven TİP youth and Assoc. Prof. Dr. Bedrettin Cömert, and was accused of helping the escape of Abdi İpekçi's murderer, M. Ali Ağca, and planning the assassination attempt on the Pope. Although he is now being presented as a "hero" working on behalf of the state, it is also known that his fingerprints were found on the tape on the gun used to kill Ömer Lütfü Topal. Mehmet Eymür had also written in the "2nd MİT Report" that he had "formed an organization under the guise of fighting against the PKK and leftist organizations." It was revealed after his death in the 1996 accident known as the "Susurluk scandal" that he was traveling with the fake identity of Mehmet Özbay.

The character of the film they promote by saying "We are curious" is exactly such a person. If they know this and write that they are "curious," it is shameful; if they don't know and are "curious" without researching, it is wrong.

He is not a journalist, he is a TV commentator

In discussion programs on news channels, many people speak with the "journalist" label. Ferhat Murat is also introduced as a "journalist" on TV, but he is actually a "strategic communication expert and consultant."

Until a few years ago, he was the "communications consultant" for AKP's Bursa Metropolitan Mayor Alinur Aktaş. What he has done in the name of journalism is the columns published on the Haber7 website for three years. His fame comes from making comments on pro-government TV channels.

Most recently, he was discussed for his remarks on the iftar dinner organized by the Felicity Party (Saadet Partisi) on a program on TGRT. Following the reactions, he defended himself by saying he "asked a very simple question." I also listened to his words on that program; in summary, he said:

"The place where the iftar was held is a place belonging to the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB). I wonder if the cost of this iftar table was covered by the SP or if it was held under the sponsorship of the İBB? Especially regarding the naming of 'Justice Tables,' it is mentioned that it was under the sponsorship of the İBB and that it was a name determined by them; it is mentioned that it was an indirect reference to Ekrem İmamoğlu.

We did not see a firm stance from the SP regarding the Ekrem İmamoğlu issue or corruption operations after March 19. If they are organizing an iftar in Ramadan where the CHP and other party leaders attend, and if this is in an İBB facility, we as journalists need to ask this."

This is not a question; he accused the SP by expressing his own opinion. The only data he relied on was the name of the iftar dinner and the venue where it was held! He did not even provide a source when saying "it is mentioned." The SP already refuted him by announcing that the iftar was organized by collecting participation fees from party members.

Furthermore, if he were truly a journalist and not a "TV commentator," he would know that a question should be asked to the addressee before being voiced on screen. It cannot be journalism to voice accusations containing judgments on TV without first asking the SP officials.

In a single sentence:

Sözcü TV, following the reactions, defended having an astrologer interpret the US and Israeli attack on Iran during a live broadcast as "including guests and experts with different views."

In the Türkiye newspaper's news titled "Super veteran hits from 4 thousand meters," there was no date for the shot, but that shot was taken four months ago; it had been published in many places, including Yeni Şafak.

Yeni Şafak, again under the guise of news, published a full-page promotion for an eye hospital and the AKP-run Kayseri and Kocaeli Dilovası municipalities.

Anadolu Agency, whose majority shares belong to the state, prepares its "Today in the economy in 60 seconds" bulletins with the contributions of AJet and Halkbank, which also belong to the state.

Hürriyet, Türkiye, and Yeni Şafak published the text "Ramadan is best experienced in Konya" by the AKP-run Konya Metropolitan Municipality as if it were news, without adding a "This is an advertisement" warning.

While DW, BBC, DHA, Oksijen, and Habertürk used headlines like "Cuban military opened fire on a boat registered to the US: 4 dead," Ekonomim, T24, and NTV wrote the opposite: "Fire was opened on Cuban forces from a boat coming from the US: 4 dead"; and this was the correct version.

TVNET wrote, "It has been revealed that Sephardic Jew Melih Abuaf is the owner of many children's channels that have exceeded millions of followers on YouTube," claiming that a Jew who is a citizen of the Republic of Turkey cannot own these channels; it engaged in discrimination and targeted him.

News that journalist Alican Uludağ, who was placed in Metris Prison after being arrested, was transferred to Ankara turned out to be false; he was taken from Metris to Silivri No. 1 Prison; then he was moved through four wards and placed in No. 9 Prison.

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