Politics in Limbo

They have lined up in front of the door one by one. Hands are in the “attention” position, faces wear a respectful and smiling expression, and right next to them is the Party Flag… They are waiting in their most charming state…

The Imralı Delegation appears at the end of the corridor. The representatives of the terrorist leader approach those waiting with confident steps. After a sincere welcome, the doors close and mysterious meetings begin.

The bloody terrorist of many years suddenly turns into a white-winged peace dove.

Insults give way to respectful expressions.

Now it is “our hope is Öcalan,” what will he say? After which stages will he make a call to the PKK? Will he be released to house arrest? He wants to get married, how touching, will a spouse be found for him for a happy life? They say he must first leave Imralı to make a call to the PKK, but that this is not enough either. It is essential that the negotiation for peace be conducted with Qandil, that is, with the Terrorist Organization…

The DEM Party and Öcalan are designing the process. The duty of the TBMM (Grand National Assembly of Turkey) is merely to provide legitimacy to this treacherous scenario.

There are leading actors in the process, and then there are extras. The extras prefer “politics in limbo” to avoid making mistakes. And then there is the mature leading man, the symbol of power, who has not yet stepped onto the stage… Everyone is waiting for his performance with excitement… Will he pull a surprise? Will he change the end of the film, or will he take on his role according to the script?

I wonder who the director is? Who staged this play? Who chose the actors according to the script? Who distributed the roles? Is the film an American production? Whose pocket will the big box office revenue go into?

These questions remain unanswered. The process maintains its mystery from beginning to end.

POLITICS IN LIMBO IS POLITICS WITHOUT A WINNER

In a betrayal scenario where you are forced to take a role, the worst option is the option of politics in limbo. You can neither prevent the betrayal nor avoid falling into the position of a partner in the betrayal. And you cannot please anyone.

The founding principles of the CHP require the obligation to prevent this scenario. It possesses a very great power to disrupt the game of betrayal. It derives this power from the fundamental principles that describe the Founding Doctrine of the Turkish State, from its emblem with the 6 Arrows, and from its ideal of independence. This is a legitimate power. It is the most sacred duty entrusted to them by the founder of the Republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.

The CHP deserves not to be an extra in a pre-planned dark conspiracy, but to embrace the cry of the Turkish Nation by taking responsibility for its historical duty.

The CHP has the political experience to know that one cannot pin hopes on the expectation of “transparency” in this dark and mysterious process, and to foresee the conditions of the bargaining.

It is extremely important for the CHP to clarify its stance against the impositions of the politics of division that have been ongoing for years, such as “equal citizenship,” “education in the mother tongue,” “federative structure,” “regional autonomy,” “peoples of Turkey,” “TC (Republic of Turkey) Citizenship,” etc.

There is also a need for the CHP to clarify its acceptance and promises regarding the Kurdish issue, such as “strong democracy,” “solution to the Kurdish issue,” “elimination of inequalities,” “ending discrimination,” and “becoming the true owner of the state.”

What will its proposals be regarding the Constitutional and legal regulations to be made on this subject?

What are the changes it envisions for the solution of the Kurdish issue? Which issues do the CHP’s red lines include?

This country was founded on the basis of “Atatürk Nationalism,” which carries the consciousness of the brotherhood of Turkish-Kurdish-Laz-Circassian-Bosniak-Georgian- etc. The Turkish Nation has never approved of the anti-democratic pressures applied to the people of the region in the 1980s and has carried it as a bleeding wound in its conscience.

However, the oppressive practices of the dark period have been ended, cultural rights have been recognized, and the Right to Defense in the Mother Tongue was legislated in 2013. Courses have been opened for those who want to learn their own mother tongue and become literate in their own mother tongue. Families can give their children names containing letters such as X and Q, which are not in the Turkish Alphabet. The Turkish names of many settlements have been changed. With the Law that entered into force in 2008, the way was paved for “the TRT Corporation to broadcast in different languages and dialects other than Turkish.” Legal obstacles to Kurdish (Sorani and Zazaki) broadcasting, Kurdish-language music, TV programs, and cultural events have been removed.

In education, working life, politics, economic life, the legal system, and even in military service, no discrimination has been made between Turks and Kurds in terms of citizenship rights.

There are hundreds of officers of Kurdish origin in the TSK (Turkish Armed Forces), numerous politicians in politics who have risen to the Presidency, many academics in universities, and business owners who are among the richest in Turkey.

Disruptions in practice or individual erroneous approaches do not mean that the legally recognized rights are invalid.

The fight against terrorism is a legitimate struggle based on the indivisible integrity of the State with its homeland and nation, conducted not against Kurdish citizens, but against the Separatist Terrorist Organization.

Then the question is this: What rights is Kurdish-oriented politics pursuing? What rights do Kurds lack that those of Turkish origin possess?

Actually, the answer is clear. The main subject of the artificial agenda called the Kurdish issue is the identity problem.

• It is the problem of not accepting the scope of Atatürk Nationalism and wanting to be recognized with a Kurdish identity.

• It is the problem of transforming the Turkish State into a bi-national structure and taking part in the Constitution as a Kurdish citizen by engaging in micro-nationalism, that is, racism.

• It is the problem of dividing and fragmenting the phenomenon of the Turkish Nation, which is not based on race, and creating a structure with an ethnic identity.

• This is the bean hidden under the tongue that is not spoken openly and is not wanted to be spoken about!

The demand for education in the mother tongue is the key to this process. When the lock of Turkish education is opened, the path to a dual-identity structure will also be opened. The key to a federative structure that has become alienated from one another, does not understand one another, and has moved away from national and unifying education will be education in the mother tongue.

It is folly not to see the imperialist project lying behind the silent demands that seem innocent.

It is not for nothing that the imperialist bloc, which provides education in the official language in their own countries, makes an imposition of education in the mother tongue in Turkey.

The fairy tale of the liquidation of the PKK, which has transformed, changed, and changed its boss, and the role assigned to the decrepit leader of the Organization, Öcalan, in this regard, is a new scenario written to obtain the demands that the Terrorist Organization has been pursuing for years.

For Turkish politics to legitimize this process in the TBMM and for the CHP to be dragged into this trap would be a historical mistake.

The Turkish Nation will pay the price for this mistake.