The sectarian trap set for Turkey

Destruction begins with terminological captivity. When we become prisoners of engineered terminology, our consciousness will evaporate, and our perception will be shaped in accordance with that terminological captivity. When we begin to perceive events not by passing them through the filter of common sense, but in the way we are intended to see them, it is already too late. We are talking about a state of irreversible social consciousness paralysis that we are experiencing under the anesthesia of perception.

Let us underline a fact. The belief/sectarian preference of Syrian Arabs, Nusayrism, is very different from Turkish/Turkmen Alevism. The spiritual leader and source of the Turkish/Turkmen Alevi belief culture, which spans over a thousand years, is Hacı Bektaş Veli, and its spiritual center is Suluca Karahöyük/Hacıbektaş. The spiritual center and the spiritual leader are the constants of the distilled belief culture of Turkish/Turkmen Alevism. The stance centered on Turkishness, the Republic, and Atatürk, which our citizens from the Alevi faith and culture have internalized and transformed into a common value, has always been the magic chemistry and the insurance of social peace.

We have mentioned in our previous articles the imperial strategy aimed at stripping Turkish/Turkmen Alevism of its traditional belief/cultural codes and manufacturing a funded/synthetic Alevism based on opposition to Turkey and Turkishness. It is time to take a closer look at the strategy of Salafi bigotry in Syria and the HTS militants to activate the belief-sectarian fault lines in Turkey through the massacre of Nusayris. Let us say it without beating around the bush. If a common stance cannot be displayed by both the government and the opposition against the strategy of turning Turkey into a sectarian slaughterhouse through an imperial-engineered belief/sectarian bloodbath, a similar version of the brutality in Syria will be attempted in our country.

Look at where the Neo-Ottomanist fantasy of Friday prayers in Damascus, a policy of schizophrenia completely detached from reality, has dragged Turkey. The dilemma that Turkey has been left in by a political blindness incapable of seeing imperialism's strategy of partitioning Syria through sectarian and ethnic lines is terrifying. While the obsession with Friday prayers at the Umayyad Mosque is a dream with no basis in reality, the ongoing sectarian bloodbath is the bitter reality of our day. Can we see that the Salafi/Nusayri opposition is reflecting back on Turkey like a boomerang as Alevi/Sunni polarization?

Let us continue our article with some questions regarding the focal point of the problem: Why is the brutality against Nusayris in Syria, around Latakia and Tartus, reflected to the domestic public as an 'Alevi Massacre'? By portraying the Nusayri massacre as an 'Alevi Massacre', what kind of trauma is intended to be created in our citizens who possess Alevi faith and culture? To which line are our Alevi-faith citizens, who are predominantly in the opposition bloc in Turkish public opinion, being pushed, and which side are they being forced to take with the discourse of 'Alevi slaughter in Syria'?

Before moving on to the answers to these questions, the mastermind behind the hitmen must be identified, and then the reason why this brutality is being staged must be determined/perceived. In line with the Greater Middle East Project (BOP), it is desired to destroy Syria's nation-state character and partition it on ethnic and sectarian grounds. The mastermind orchestrating the massacre aims to ensure that Sunni and Nusayri Arabs in Syria never come together again through a staged 'Postmodern Karbala' syndrome.

Instead of being a facilitator of the imperial plan described above, Turkey must develop a policy based on the integrity of Syria. To prevent the Nusayri massacre, it must take a stance and use initiative by activating whatever remains of the state wisdom it abandoned long ago. The value of the Republic being founded on the basis of a nation-state, unitary structure, and a modern, secular state architecture is now better understood. The tragedy in Syria has proven once again that secularism is the foundation of the regime and the insurance of social peace and freedom of belief.

In addition to the political authority's problematic understanding of the Republic's founding codes, the main opposition's discourse and practice, which do not align with its traditional roadmap, have a triggering effect on the activation of sectarian fault lines in Turkey. This attitude, which amounts to pouring gasoline on a fire, must be abandoned immediately. It should be known that this wrong stance and discourse will facilitate the opening of a path that will push our citizens from the Alevi faith and culture to lose hope in Ankara and the Republic, and to gather under the umbrella of political Kurdishness such as HDP/DEM/PKK and their derivatives.

In this process, it has once again become clear that the provocative rhetoric of certain organizations, which are Berlin-funded, linked to political Kurdishness, and whose roadmaps have been drawn by imperialism, has nothing to offer the Alevi base other than pain, division, and breaking their ties with the Republic.