What was the strategic goal of the Madımak Massacre?

The events in Sivas (September 1978), Kahramanmaraş (December 1978), Çorum (May-July 1980), and Sivas/Madımak (1993) were designed as field applications of a strategy that went far beyond what was assumed or visible.

First, a sectarian trauma with meticulously crafted master plans would be created, then deepened, and turned into a perpetually bleeding, incurable wound. The goal was to make the children of the same nation unable to live together through a slaughter initiated over Alevism and Sunnism. The goal was to drag Turkey into an endless sectarian chaos. The goal was to alienate Turks from one another and turn them into enemies based on sectarian differences. The goal was to drive Turks from Alevi faith and culture into a sense of abandonment, ensuring they would become alienated from the center, turn inward, and ghettoize.

Before September 12, 1980, provinces like Sivas, Kahramanmaraş, and Çorum, where our Alevi and Sunni citizens lived together, were constructed as local rehearsals for a future major conflict. A separate heading must be used for Madımak. Because Madımak was designed as a laboratory for a much deeper and more insidious strategy.

Madımak was conceived as a chosen trauma that would deepen over the years and bleed continuously. Through systematic social engineering to be carried out via Madımak, Alevism, our thousand-year-old distilled synthesis of faith and culture, was to be redefined as a separate/distinct identity completely outside the values belonging to Turkishness.

The spiritual leader of Turkish Alevism, its 'Serçeşme' (Head Spring), is Hacı Bektaş-ı Veli, and its spiritual center (Sulucakarahöyük) is Hacıbektaş. The spiritual center and spiritual authority are the constants of Turkish/Turkmen Alevism.

The process we are experiencing cannot be understood without knowing the attempt to replace our sociological reality and our thousand-year-old faith-culture spiral—traditional Alevism—with a synthetic Alevism based on anti-Turkishness and anti-Turkey sentiment, which has imperial software.

Undoubtedly, other EU members have similar calculations, but Germany is the flagship of the Synthetic Alevism initiative.

Through the synthetic Alevism it has programmed and funded, Germany aims to transform and redefine sociological Alevism and bring it under Berlin's control. For this reason, the sacred elements of Anatolian Alevism, its traditional hierarchy, the institution of the 'dede' (spiritual leader), the rituals that keep the tradition alive, the 'ocaks' (hearths), and concepts such as 'müsahiplik' (spiritual companionship) and 'taliplik' (discipleship) have no significance for German Alevism. In a single sentence, the goal of German-manufactured Alevism is to end Anatolian Alevism by moving its spiritual center to Berlin and its spiritual leadership to 'Hacı Hans Veli'!

Following the explanations above, we can arrive at the answer to the question of what Germany will gain from dissolving sociological Alevism within synthetic Alevism. Germany will portray itself as a land of freedom where Alevis, whom the Republic of Turkey allegedly failed to protect and instead excluded, can freely live out their faith and culture. Furthermore, through the federations, confederations, and similar entities it funds, Germany will gain the opportunity to use a significant mass of people against Turkey. In this way, an ethnic strategy disguised as sectarianism will be implemented. 

The fact that the leadership of almost all such synthetic formations in Germany consists of members of the DEM Party should be reflected upon.

The inversion of the Dersim uprising by feudal despotism, turning the rebellion leader Seyit Rıza into a 'Husayn' figure and the Republic into a 'Yazid' figure, is an important dimension of postmodern German Alevism.

The background of portraying an externally supported ethno-feudal uprising against the Republic as an Alevi massacre should be carefully considered. 

If the Dersim uprising, which was nothing more than a feudal resistance against the modern values brought by the Republic, can be equated with the Karbala massacre in the Alevi perception, then Atatürk and the Republic will have been stripped of their status as positive values for Alevis! 

In conclusion, the ethnic separatist Dersim rebellion will be exonerated through the lens of Karbala, and the path will be cleared to position Anatolian Alevism as a reserve force under the control of political Kurdish nationalism. 

Following the July 2, 1993, Madımak Massacre, the PKK raided the village of Başbağlar in the Kemaliye district of Erzincan on the night of July 5. The village, inhabited by Sunni Turks, was chosen deliberately. The terrorist organization herded the adult men of the village into the mosque, shot them, and then set the village on fire.

The mastermind behind the Başbağlar massacre sought to instill the perception that the PKK, as the natural ally of Alevis, could avenge Madımak, and that political Kurdish nationalism was the natural ally and protector of Alevis. This same mastermind aimed to construct a dual trauma of ethnic and sectarian slaughter through the metaphor of Madımak and Başbağlar.

Local rehearsals for dividing, alienating, and turning Turks against one another through Alevism and Sunnism are systematically carried out in daily life. It should not be overlooked that the 'X' marks placed on the homes and workplaces of citizens from Alevi faith and culture, along with derogatory and threatening graffiti, are miniature applications of this grand strategy.

Let us return to Germany in the final paragraph.

Germany must provide an answer as to why it did not extradite certain defendants of the Madımak Massacre who fled to its territory, despite repeated requests throughout the trial process.

It must explain why it is uncomfortable with Turkish Alevism, which is our sociological reality and our wealth, and why it is tampering with the DNA of our Alevism.

It must account for why it turned a blind eye for years to the Republic-hater Cemalettin Kaplan, who spewed hatred toward Turkey under the flag of the 'Anatolian Federated Islamic State'.

The fact that the bigoted arsonists of the Madımak Massacre—a product of a foreign-backed, foreign-designed, treacherous strategy aimed at turning Turkey into a slaughterhouse of ethnic and sectarian violence—were merely the final link in a grand game must not be overlooked.

The betrayals packaged in innocence within the grand game—the Yazidism masked as Hüseyin, the Hızır Pasha-ism masked as Pir Sultan—must be seen and exposed before more time is lost and more lives are taken.

With respect and mercy to all the lives lost on the 32nd anniversary of the Madımak Massacre.