For a long time, Turkey has been discussing the issue arising from the separatist terrorist movement, which can be briefly called the "Kurdish Question." However, there are not enough analyses that address the problem from a holistic perspective.
The issue is mostly handled within the scope of what are called superstructure problems, but the distribution of land ownership or the problem of landless peasants, which forms the basis of the problem in Southeastern and Eastern Anatolia, is not voiced; it is as if it continues to be hidden.
WHY SHOULD LAND REFORM BE IMPLEMENTED?
When looking at the Kurdish question in terms of internal dynamics, its most important dimension is class-based. Here, the land issue comes to the fore. This is the weighted aspect of the matter, but it is also the one that needs to be resolved.
In Southeastern and Eastern Anatolia, where the Kurdish question exists, land ownership is under the control of land lords under the tribal organization. On the lands belonging to the lords, the poor Kurdish peasant tries to maintain their existence half-hungry and half-full.
Sometimes lands are sold or marketed along with the people on them. In elections, votes are cast en masse, and the lords go to Parliament. Members of parliament and mayors are usually either land lords or their relatives. Industrialists and merchants are also of a similar class structure.
Some Kurdish peasants also engage in animal husbandry without being tied to the land. However, some of them have had to give up animal husbandry for security reasons.
The masses coming to the cities are unemployed because the industry and service sectors have not developed sufficiently. Education and health services in the region are also far from meeting the demand.
On the other hand, it should not be forgotten that the problem of "Seasonal Agricultural Workers," who are open to exploitation, also stems from landlessness or having too much land.
In this case, the solution lies in a "Regional Development Plan" that will liquidate the feudal structure in the region and includes "Land Reform" at its core.
The first stage of Land Reform is, of course, providing sufficient land to landless or small-landholding peasants. In fact, Article 44 of the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey makes this mandatory.
However, Land Reform should not consist solely of land distribution. Otherwise, the distributed lands will fall back into the hands of the powerful. To prevent this, it is essential that Land Reform be handled through the cooperative organization of agricultural enterprises. Here, cooperatives should be taken as the basis, starting from the procurement of inputs to the marketing of outputs.
If Turkey becomes an exemplary model, the feudal structure in Northern Iraq and Northern Syria will also enter a liquidation process.
While seeking the answer to the question "Why should Land Reform be implemented?" in Southeastern and Eastern Anatolia, it can be said that there is a need to examine two issues first.
First; is it possible to increase agricultural production and efficiency by transforming the agricultural lands surrounding feudal villages in Turkey into capitalist giant agricultural enterprises and/or corporate farming?
The answer to this has become clear; as in third-world countries, agricultural production per capita has not increased in Turkey, and it has clearly become an importing country for agricultural products.
A second question, at least as important as the first, is this; is there work in the cities for the peasants in the East and Southeast who will be left out with the liquidation of the peasantry?
The answer to both questions is clear. A negative trend.
WHAT KIND OF LAND REFORM?
Land Reform needs to be initiated primarily in Southeastern and Eastern Anatolia.
For the financing of Land Reform;
• Providing financing by taxing wealthy peasants, but especially land lords, at an increasing rate based on the amount of land,
• Encouraging the sale of large lands through tax measures in other regions as well,
• Providing credit so that landless and small producers can easily purchase land, and,
• It will be necessary to establish a "Land Institution" for this.
The point to be emphasized here is the need to work towards ensuring strong public support.
The Land Reform we propose in Turkey can be organized under different structures, ranging from family-based to collective ownership, depending on various factors (such as soil quality, product variety, market structure).
A good land reform for the working classes will be successful if it can become a tool for a more egalitarian income distribution.
On the basis of Land Reform, peasants should be enabled to become industrialists through cooperative organization.
Land reform should certainly not be left at the stage of land distribution.
It is also mandatory for these enterprises, which have a social aspect because they employ the agricultural population, to be organized in agricultural cooperatives.
Farmers should be enabled to become industrialists through agricultural cooperatives. It should not be forgotten that the added value can reach the farmer in this way.
In accordance with this purpose, cooperatives should be provided with inputs for agricultural production (such as fuel, electricity, fertilizer, medicine, shared machinery parks, roughage and concentrated feed production) and intermediate goods.
However, this is not enough.
Necessary support should be provided for them to play a dominant role in issues such as becoming industrialists in the processing of products and marketing.
It should be taken into account that if farmers are organized under agricultural cooperatives, they have a chance to have bargaining and competitive power when they go to the market against organized intermediaries and industrialists.
I would like to ask a question as I conclude my article.
Why is "Land Reform" not on Turkey's agenda today?
Some say that political organizations aspire to the votes of landless and small-landholding peasants through the lords.
I would also like to know your answer.
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