July 15 trial: 'These are the real Peace at Home Council members'

Former Brigadier General Ahmet Bican Kırker, who was the Head of the Personnel Planning and Management Department of the Land Forces Command during the July 15 coup attempt and was appointed to the Etimesgut Armored Units Division Command via a so-called assignment list, claimed that the real Peace at Home Council should have consisted of then-Chief of General Staff Hulusi Akar and force commanders, as well as figures like Şamil Tayyar and Şirin Ünal, while also stating that he believes Fetullah Gülen was poisoned to death.

Defense statements against the final opinion were continued in the case of 14 defendants, who were initially tried in the General Staff Main Case on the grounds that they were members of the 38-person so-called Peace at Home Council, but whose files were separated regarding charges related to injuries on July 15 after it was understood they were not council members.

Former Staff Colonel Osman Kardal, the then-head of the Armed Forces Command and Control Center (SKKM), who made a defense in the case heard by the Ankara 17th High Criminal Court at the Sincan Prison Complex—where the prosecutor requested the acquittal of 10 defendants—claimed that there were jumps in the center's footage from 21:00 to 06:00. Stating that one of the most important contradictions regarding July 15 concerns the flight ban order allegedly issued that night, Kardal said:

“There is a difference between what Hulusi Akar and Yaşar Güler said on this matter and the records kept in the TSK (Turkish Armed Forces). While the necessary action was to close the entire airspace to flights, Hulusi Akar closed the airspace of regions unrelated to the coup as a token gesture, while leaving the airspace of Ankara, where the most flights with the most traumatic effects during the coup attempt took place, and the Marmaris region, where the President was located, open. Furthermore, just before the transport plane that would pick up Semih Terzi from Diyarbakır took off, Yaşar Güler lifted the flight ban order for transport planes. Thus, the arrival of Special Forces elements in Ankara was facilitated, leading to the death of Ömer Halisdemir at the Special Forces Command (ÖKK) and the injury of many people. Under normal circumstances, Akar and Güler, who would mobilize the Headquarters at the slightest incident, did not inform anyone, including the headquarters personnel directly related to the subject, and did not even summon the relevant headquarters chiefs at the lieutenant general level.”

''HE GAVE INSTRUCTIONS TO A PERSON AFFILIATED WITH THE ORGANIZATION''

Claiming that the then-Department Head Brigadier General İlhan Kırtıl, whom Chief of General Staff Akar insistently wanted on the phone that night, was a person known by the MIT (National Intelligence Organization) and the General Staff to be affiliated with the organization, Kardal continued:

“Brigadier General İlhan Kırtıl fled to his home after carrying out the orders given, and despite saying ‘I am coming,’ he did not return to his duty station, the TSK Operations Center, which was 5 minutes away. Why did the Chief of General Staff not ask us to follow the order to prevent tanks from leaving Etimesgut during these calls? The answer to these questions will surely come to light one day. I believe I am being punished precisely because I am questioning these very questions.”

Claiming that all of this meant directing the coup and knowingly turning a blind eye to deaths and injuries, Kardal said, “I request that the military phone records, videos, photos, witness statements, and official military journal records I have submitted be accepted as a criminal complaint, and that the Chief of General Staff, the Second Chief of General Staff, and Department Head İlhan Kırtıl be tried for the 2,885 injured, just as I am being tried, as they hold the status of perpetrators of those who died and were injured in the coup, and that they receive at least as much punishment as the time I have spent in prison.”

BAN ON FETULLAH GÜLEN VIDEO

Former Brigadier General Ahmet Bican Kırker, who was appointed to the Etimesgut Armored Units Command with a so-called assignment order, began his two-day defense via SEGBİS from Diyarbakır Prison with the following statements: “I believe that Anatolia is a second Andalusia and has been subjected to a Mongol invasion. The July 15 controlled coup conspiracy is the greatest betrayal committed against the Turkish Nation. When July 15 veteran Necmettin Utuş says, ‘Those who praised FETÖ in the Turkish Olympiads and in Parliament were made ministers,’ is he aware of what he is saying?”

Stating that the coup cases were heard separately to prevent the full exposure of July 15, Kırker made a video presentation featuring the views and statements of many former soldiers, academics, journalists, and Fetullah Gülen, and spoke as follows:

“Those tried in the coup and main case are being accused, the Maydonoz döner is being accused. A lot of people are saying a thousand times more than what Fetullah Gülen said that day. From his Ismail Ağa to his Menzil... Devlet Bahçeli's position has changed. Those in robes and turbans who repeat what Fetullah Gülen said, those who want to be the governor of Jerusalem, do not know what will happen tomorrow. After 17/25, all blacks are white, and whites are black. If one person is to be tried for violating the Constitution, it is Erdoğan; if two people are to be tried, it is Bahçeli.”

In the 20th minute of the video, when a program in which journalist Abdurrahman Şimşek questioned the ghost helicopters in Marmaris and subsequently a statement by Fetullah Gülen appeared, the Presiding Judge warned that the video had not passed the court's review, stating, “The speech of persons outside the case does not concern me. I do not want to listen to what anyone thinks or the speeches in the news. This is not a defense. Tell us what you did.”

Kırker said, “I didn't do anything. Necmettin Utuş said, ‘Why aren't these people being tried?’ What Abdurrahman Şimşek said is the same. Open the cases, let them be tried. I am showing it only for the purpose of reminding, you cannot even tolerate that,” while the Presiding Judge adjourned the hearing to watch the entire video and make a decision on the matter. After the break, the President announced that it was decided unanimously not to watch the video on the grounds that “it contains records in the nature of terrorist organization propaganda by persons outside the case, such as Fetullah Gülen, who is alleged to be the founder of FETÖ/PDY, and fugitives, and that it has no contribution to the case.”

Kırker reacted to the decision as follows:

“Why did you block me? Isn't Fetullah Gülen the number 1 of the case? He is telling what they discussed with the government. There were speeches in the video by İsmail Hakkı Pekin explaining how they did the profiling. Fetullah Gülen says, ‘Let there be law in the country, I will go there.’ Numan Kurtulmuş says, ‘Even if they are acquitted, it does not mean they are cleared.’ Your Speaker of Parliament says this. Doğu Perinçek and İsmail Hakkı Pekin, who set up this setup, are telling this with their own mouths. There is a picture, a concept imposed in your mind, and you are trying not to let anything else be spoken outside of that. If you cannot tolerate these, why are you sitting there? There were friends who suggested you withdraw, you did not. There is no judge in the history of the Republic who has received more recusal requests than you. Even the former president Oğuz Dik did not receive this many. The UN accepted only 70 of the 251 martyrs. Instead of investigating this, you keep trying to block it. We were subjected to lawlessness for 10 years, now it is the turn of the CHP members.”

PROBING AND RECRUITMENT

While claiming that various probing and recruitment activities were carried out before July 15, Kırker explained the following:

“One day, the TOKİ President came to the Land Forces Command and had dinner with Chief of Staff İhsan Uyar. Then he gathered the generals and said, ‘How can a triplex house be bought for 350 thousand liras?’ I understood the reason for this visit after Mehmet Partigöç said that Hulusi Akar's children should buy houses from TOKİ. When I was a senior member of the OYAK General Assembly, I witnessed why and how Coşkun Ulusoy was liquidated. After that, OYAK was seized.”

The Presiding Judge intervened in these accounts by Kırker, saying, “The conversations between you are not the subject of our case. We are not having a competition of who is honest. Speak within the scope of the case.” Kırker continued:

“Other defendants do not give names, saying ‘state secret.’ Nothing illegal is a state secret. The then-General-Admiral Branch Manager Cemil Turhan was called to a meeting held at the Prime Ministry under the coordination of a judge colonel. Profiling was discussed here. When Cemil Turhan said he did not accept such illegality, I said, ‘Then close this place, a parallel state has been established.’ One of the defendants in our case, Osman Ünlü, was with Zekai Aksakallı at the Gazi Officers' Club that night. We don't know what they talked about. That's why we can't get out of here; we don't understand why we fell, we are struggling here. Ali Demir, who was tried in the Balyoz case, is my classmate. Our children go to the same prep school. He called 3-4 months before July 15 and said, ‘Let's have breakfast at the Officers' Club.’ I invited him to my house. He said he was busy and would call, he never called again. All of these were probings, recruitment activities. Hulusi Akar and Sadık Üstün recruited people by saying ‘You are a FETÖ member’ or ‘You are on the death list,’ whether they were FETÖ members or not. Pretending that there is law is a greater oppression than lawlessness. Even if July 15 was not a theater, the trials have been turned into a theater.”

AKP HEADQUARTERS CAMERA RECORDS

Following the Presiding Judge's warning to “Come to Etimesgut,” Kırker made the following claims:

“The main base of the coups is institutionally the Mamak 4th Mechanized Brigade. Etimesgut has had no duty other than February 28 until today. I wish Osman Kardal, İlhan Talu, and Osman Ünlü had told us then. I told everything I knew. Metin Gürak, the commander of the unit that would carry out or prevent the coup, goes to Etimesgut without hesitation on the instruction of Hulusi Akar. This alone is evidence that Hulusi Akar, Hakan Fidan, and Metin Gürak knew about the coup. In the history of the TSK, there has never been a time when the entire command echelon left the Headquarters, except for the Battle of Sakarya. When Metin Gürak went to Etimesgut at 19:00, what did he talk about with the then-Armored Units Commander Erdoğan Akyol? Akyol does not inform his commanders Kamil Başoğlu and Metin İyidil about this. There is a FETÖ record about Erdoğan Akyol and he is not being tried. What Erdoğan Akyol did is with the order of Hulusi Akar and the knowledge of Metin Gürak. Despite Metin İyidil's warning that ‘the assignment order might be fake,’ he handed over the duty to me happily and went to Akıncı. That day, they had KOKTOD (Support for Law Enforcement Forces in Social Events) training in the Armored Units. Why did you give this training? No one asks, ‘Where did this come from?’ He escaped being tried through horse-trading. On July 20, records were taken by the order of Erdoğan Akyol, recorded elsewhere, and the evidence was not preserved but covered up. Filtered images were delivered to the prosecutor's offices. As Necmettin Utuş said, no one is holding anyone accountable. Instead of the Commander-in-Chief giving the order to the commanders to ‘protect your units,’ he calls the people to the streets.”

Showing videos regarding what happened to the two tanks sent from Etimesgut to the Gendarmerie General Command on the grounds that there was a terrorist attack, and the actions of Major Barış Dedebağ, to explain how the evidence was produced and covered up, Kırker continued:

“While the tanks were trying to return, their paths were blocked by the crowd and they were directed to the AKP Headquarters. Here, too, personnel were tried to be lynched with provocations led by Şamil Tayyar. Necmettin Utuş personally threw the lieutenant out of the moving tank. Those trying to seize the tanks were not civilians, but members of SADAT, ASDER, and active AKP-affiliated specially trained paramilitary groups. Statements and minutes were changed repeatedly with the cooperation of the judiciary, law enforcement, and the AKP. The camera records of the AKP Headquarters are not in the file. As a result, the trainee lieutenant and the specialist sergeant were convicted, while the tank company commander, battalion commander, chief of staff, and school commander were acquitted. In the Etimesgut case, Metin Gürak, Metin İyidil, Erdoğan Akyol, and I should have been tried together. What did Hulusi Akar say to Metin Gürak, Gürak to Erdoğan Akyol, and Akyol to Metin İyidil; these need to be explained. A decree law (KHK) was issued stating that those who took to the streets on July 15 would not be held responsible for the events. This is the real absolute nullity; it was issued to save Şamil Tayyar and Necmettin Utuş.”

When veteran Necmettin Utuş reacted to these claims by Kırker by saying “lie,” the Presiding Judge warned, “I am warning you for the last time. If it happens again, I will remove you from the courtroom.”

DEATH RECORD IN THREE PLACES

While claiming that no death occurred in Etimesgut, but that Emin Güner was shown as if he had been killed there so that they would receive more punishment, Ahmet Bican Kırker said:

“Emin Güner's death came to the agenda 1 year later, and an attempt was made to add it from the Gendarmerie case to the Etimesgut case. The court rejected this 3 months later, but accepted it again 9 months later. According to the Gendarmerie indictment, Emin Güner was martyred with a firearm in front of the Gendarmerie General Command. According to the prosecutor's office and expert reports, he fell from a tank in front of the AKP Headquarters. According to the Gendarmerie report, he was found on Anadolu Boulevard and it was called a ‘suspicious death due to blunt head trauma.’ Ultimately, it was decided that he fell/was pushed from the tank because it was going too fast.”

The Presiding Judge intervened in these accounts by Kırker, saying, “It is not the subject of our case. Do not make a defense regarding Emin Güner. We are always listening to your comments.” Upon Kırker's reply, “I am telling this to show how the July 15 trials are conducted. These words of yours are a declaration of intent,” the President said, “You are also reading intentions. I don't want an argument,” to which Kırker reacted as follows:

“I believe that you are judging not on behalf of the nation, but on behalf of the Palace. You are cutting and directing everything. Judges do not have a duty to save the country and the Palace.”

“THEY POISONED GÜLEN” CLAIM

Kırker also voiced the following claims regarding the assassination attempt on Erdoğan:

“There is no one other than Erdoğan who talks about the assassination. Gökhan Şahin Sönmezateş said, ‘The commanders gave me this task.’ Even Abdurrahman Şimşek brought the two ghost helicopters in Marmaris to the agenda. The purpose of the assassination claim was to ensure the extradition of Fetullah Gülen. I cannot understand why the power holders are so afraid of even the dead body of Gülen. Personally, I believe that Fetullah Gülen was poisoned to death in a successful operation. The man was bloated. The Pope also died in the same period. They were calling Gülen ‘the cardinal of the Vatican,’ both of them left at the same time.”

''FOR A BENEVOLENT MONARCHY''

In the final part of his defense, Ahmet Bican Kırker claimed that July 15 was somehow allowed to happen, that its planners were Baki Kaya and Sadık Üstün, who were said to have been followed during the Cosmic Room incident, and that while a crisis desk was established even in the Presidency of Religious Affairs, Hulusi Akar, Abidin Ünal, Salih Zeki Çolak, Yaşar Güler, Metin Gürak, and Zekai Aksakallı knowingly did not manage the crisis, saying, “If there is treason, this is the real treason.”

Arguing that the Peace at Home Council should have consisted of names like Şamil Tayyar, Şirin Ünal, and Cihat Yaycı in addition to these, Kırker noted that a new system was established in Turkey, that a “benevolent monarchy” was accelerated, that Abdullah Öcalan gave advice saying “the 3rd world war will end with the establishment of Kurdistan,” and that the great Israel project, which includes Turkey and Saudi Arabia under the leadership of Israel and the auspices of the USA, was put into practice.