Republicans in search of power: A new ANAP?

Do they want power, and if they do, what kind of power will it be?

We are looking for an answer to this question.

While searching, we believe it is necessary to state and write some things more clearly now. Let us expand on the question in the introduction: The “elected” CHP leadership, which is under heavy attack, does not currently have a different plan for power. As for the “appointed” Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu team, it is already very clear that they were designed and deployed as the AKP’s strike force against such a possibility.

We are talking about something else.

We need to talk about the march to power of an objection spread across every point of the political map in Turkey, a republican “transcendence” that is public-minded, planning-oriented, secular, populist, and socialist (call it whatever you want), in short, a republican one.

However, this is not a job to be done with cadres who have tried every “thing” in the past with the AKP weapon Kılıçdaroğlu, approved them, and defended them with desperate faith. Let us be open-hearted. Let us not deceive ourselves. Our people may not want to believe it because of their increasing suffering, but there is a terrible career struggle going on in the CHP right now.

Anyway...

That is not the problem. The problem, and what is not believed, is that both those appointed to the head of the CHP and those elected are cut from the same cloth. Unfortunately, their minds are not very different either. Of course, let us say these things without forgetting that the pressure on Özgür Özel and Ekrem İmamoğlu is a result of the Kılıçdaroğlu betrayal.

The issue we want to remind you of is this: As long as they try to engage in politics while remaining so loyal to these lines, they are also claiming ownership of very bad “deeds.” For example, it is recalled that even during the old fascist coups, defendants were granted broad defense opportunities, and it is pointed out that CHP members who are still being thrown into dungeons and asked to defend themselves do not have those opportunities today. While it is recounted that people tried by the military coup could make defenses for days, even by name, is there anyone who realizes that the “judicial practices” of those coups are being praised? Or is there anyone who remembers the existence of revolutionaries who resisted despite terrible torture for years during that period? Doubtful.

We have the right to think that during those periods, the process of destroying the Republic was still in its very early stages, and therefore it had problems implementing today’s Islamist cruelty (including anti-socialist liberals who were kept in prisons unlawfully for years). It was also a time when the anger of the left and the street began to foam.

Actually...

Actually, this is an ANAP-style simplification.

Unfortunately, the management map of the current opposition in the system presents an ANAP and even a Turgut Özal profile. The CHP-DEM line and their supporters, one by one or together, are each an updated ANAP.

Let no one deceive themselves.

Was that too harsh?

If there are those who think these expressions are harsh, it is worth remembering that the political career of a metropolitan mayor who is truly subjected to legal ruthlessness today began in ANAP. Are we going to say that Ekrem İmamoğlu has a similarity to the career of Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, who could not find a foothold in the CHP at first? Maybe, and very slightly. But there are parallels. Right-wingers are always brought to the head of the CHP, and while they pave their own way, they can sometimes utter leftist slogans. We know this from Ecevit. They are all pro-NATO, they are all pro-American, they are all pro-EU, and they are all free-market advocates.

Perhaps it could be said that as a current version of Özal, İmamoğlu does not deserve such heavy penalties, and that if it were so, the AKP would protect him in some way. The laws of capital are not like that. On the contrary, those who resemble each other subject each other to terrible injustices. Similarities destroy each other quickly. It is the law: While capital and capitalists love each other, they break each other’s noses and leave each other covered in blood. Let us call it profit compulsion...

It is painful but true.

The truth is painful.

The truth hurts.

The trouble is in attributing all of this to being left-wing.

Özal and ANAP had settled into power by declaring that they united four tendencies after a coup government.

Let us take it further: Wasn’t the date of November 3, 2002, already a kind of coup? It was. The ballot box was a very useful tool for destroying the republic. If it prepared today’s “III. Abdulhamid” era and tyranny, could it be that, even 25 years later, the CHP is being focused on as a new ANAP version that unites at least four tendencies after this coup? DEM is already like that.

It is hard to object to this.

Ultimately, we can say that those other than those who propose a socialist government are looking for a so-called new roof or home for themselves. But it is highly doubtful that this will be a solution. More precisely, these “post-coup ANAP version” searches cannot find an answer to any of the problems of a country that has turned into a ruin where nearly 90 million people live...

We have said this: When we take the management levels as a basis, the CHP, the DEM, and their sidekicks all seem to have agreed on a search for a new and “leftist” ANAP. The base, however, is still different... For now...

We will continue to explain why these searches will leave behind only Afghanistan and Syria-type fragments from Turkey...