Turkey 101

HDP member Ayhan Bilgen had said: "No party can form an open alliance with the HDP due to the president's rhetoric; unless this changes, no one's position will change. The HDP thought the expansion during the resolution process was permanent. When the HDP succeeds in gaining the trust of the Turkish public, who would have the power to prevent this? The HDP's great handicap is also a historic opportunity."

In a Habertürk broadcast dated October 12, 2020, where these statements were discussed, Doğu Perinçek said: "The Turkish state will bring out Abdullah Öcalan and make him say, 'Lay down your arms, we were wrong.' They will put him on television and such. He is currently a toy in the hands of the state and the MIT. They are using him." These were sentences that complemented each other in terms of introduction and development.

Although the reason for the timing is not clear, the start has been given for this design. At this stage, with the call from the MHP leader, a probe is being conducted to see if approval for Öcalan's 'right to hope' is being granted in exchange for Erdoğan serving another term as president. If the parties and society are in agreement, there is nothing to be done. However, if society reacts negatively to this and the parties attempt to back out, there is no way for them to do so without cause. It is clear that both ideologies will require new bloody motivations. This was the final detonator I was worried about in my previous article.

It would not be correct to read the historic change at the Istanbul Bar Association separately from this. The last person to lead the Bar was Prof. Dr. Ümit Kocasakal. These were the Ergenekon and Balyoz eras. The entire board of directors was being tried because they stood against FETÖ conspiracies. No one stood against FETÖ's judicial operation capabilities as much as the Istanbul Bar Association. These were difficult times. Kâşif Kozinoğlu was found dead in his cell days before he was to testify. Lieutenant Colonel Ali Tatar was driven to suicide with the words: "One cannot show respect to a process of lawlessness in the name of law. If you continue this way, you will find neither an army to lead, nor a republic to live in, nor a country. Know that I, who have not the slightest crime or sin, am ending my life in rebellion against this lawlessness and to be a glimmer of light in this darkness." Arif Doğan, Emcet Olcaytu, Engin Aydın, Erhan Göksel, Fatih Derdiyok, Hüseyin Görüm, İlhan Selçuk, Kuddusi Okkır, Mehmet Koral, Murat Özenalp, Mustafa Kelleci, Muzaffer Tekin, Münir Kemal Yavuz, Özden Örnek, Salih Kunter, Sami Hoştan, Türkan Saylan, Uçkun Geray, and Ünal İnanç died before seeing the outcome of the trials. Kocasakal, on the other hand, was called to the courthouse on March 31, 2015, to mediate before the murder of Prosecutor Mehmet Selim Kiraz. He was etched into the public memory as the person called by the prosecutor-killing terrorists and was erased from the political scene.

On the day of the Prosecutor Kiraz murder, due to a problem in the energy transmission lines, electricity was cut off in 79 provinces as of 10:36, excluding Van and Hakkari, and DHKP-C terrorists who entered the courthouse with lawyer robes and fake lawyer IDs took the prosecutor hostage at 12:30. The power outage lasted 9 hours. I was also at the Çağlayan Courthouse. I had learned the news in a court clerk's office on the same floor but could not believe it and had not grasped the seriousness of the incident. Everything was normal at the courthouse that day. I had to pass through the section where the martyr prosecutor's office was located. It was not allowed because there was a partial blockade, so I went up to the floor above and took a parallel passage. My work lasted until the end of the shift. I left the courthouse while the courthouse staff were boarding their shuttles. The operation began at 20:30 in the evening, and Prosecutor Kiraz was martyred.

In the ordinary 2024 Istanbul Bar Association election, Prof. Dr. İbrahim Özden Kaboğlu became the Bar president with 25% of the vote, and a picture similar to the 1994 Istanbul local election emerged. When past election results are examined, it is seen that the groups maintained their vote counts exactly and the participation rate remained the same. It is clear that this change came about because the group that had managed the bar for 22 years split into three, and with the support of his students and loved ones from Marmara University for Kaboğlu, who was dismissed from academia by a Statutory Decree (KHK). In other words, the professor himself was both the one who won the election and the one who made it happen. For the first time in its history, the Bar will be managed by a minority that is fundamentally different from the majority in terms of ideas. The bar that put up the most resilient fight against Ergenekon will now be managed by Kaboğlu, who has made statements suggesting that Ergenekon should be deepened. The lyrics of the anthem titled "Em Bernadin" sung after the election continue as: "Until a free homeland / We have promised, we will not let go of each other's hands / Until our flag rises on the bastions of the Diyarbekir fortress." The colleagues on the professor's list have a very difficult task. Most of those who showed favor to the professor wanted a change for the resolution of professional problems. Neither the professor's views on the unchangeable articles of the constitution nor the slogans chanted reflect the majority of even those who voted for him. The Bar does not have a structure that could turn into the Turkish Medical Association, and there is an election in two years. I sincerely hope that a truly pluralistic understanding can be established. However, the professor's charisma should not overshadow one fact: The Republic has lost another fortress.

The first reaction to the professor's statement about making positive touches to the unchangeable articles of the constitution came at jet speed from Mansur Yavaş, who stated that the subject was closed to discussion. İmamoğlu, who supported Kaboğlu with his entire team, commented on the professor's statement on Monday morning. He was confused and angry, and spoke with distance. Then, the death of Fethullah Gülen was announced. FETÖ/PDY leader Gülen had fled from Turkey to the USA on March 21, 1999, one month after Abdullah Öcalan was captured in Nairobi, the capital of Kenya, and brought to Turkey on February 15, 1999. The leader of the PKK, which filled the void of the active ASALA between 1975-1983 starting from 1984, had been captured, but the FETÖ/PDY leader, who would terrorize Turkey in the following years, was removed from the country, ensuring the continuation of the terror synchrony. On Tuesday, after Bahçeli's historic group speech I mentioned above, it was leaked that 15 IYI Party deputies would switch to the AKP and MHP.

From this intense week, a very fundamental debate emerged regarding the first three articles of the constitution. It is written in the unchangeable articles of the constitution that Turkey is governed by a republic, is a democratic, secular, and social state of law governed by the rule of law, respectful of human rights, loyal to Atatürk's nationalism, its language is Turkish, its capital is Ankara, its anthem is the Independence March, and its flag is the Turkish Flag. The fourth article states that the above articles cannot be changed and that even proposing their amendment is not allowed. Everyone should state their opinion without bending or twisting regarding these articles, each of which forms a column holding up the roof of the state above us. I do not think we can avoid being deceived by politicians and being politically misled, and take our place on the right side, without openly debating the first four articles, which will serve as a litmus test in our country as we enter its 101st year.