How did Deniz Baykal become the chairman of the CHP?

ON BAYKAL'S  POLITICAL  CAREER 

In this article, the background  of Baykal's election as the  fourth chairman of the CHP  is examined, from 1995   to 2010  the ongoing ups and downs  of the CHP leadership  will     be the subject  of a separate  article.

Baykal had certain advantages  as is well known: handsome, charismatic  and his oratory  was strong.  He had graduated from  Ankara Law School,  passed the assistantship exam at Mülkiye, completed his doctorate, and became an associate professor  of political science. 

With his academic background and powerful oratory,  he was suited for  was extremely suitable. Baykal would make a party  leader, and he did. 

In a photograph taken at the CHP  headquarters in the summer of 1960, we see Baykal among the university students visiting İsmet Pasha.  Born in Antalya in 1938, Baykal  was 22 years old  at that time.   Just 13 years after this photograph, Baykal (1973)  was elected   as a member of parliament. 

He had been favored by Ecevit, accepted by the party elite, and the rising wave of the Left of Center had  carried him to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. 

Before the September 12 coup, Baykal  served as a minister  twice in Ecevit's governments. However,  he wanted more than what his political style, demeanor, and actions provided.  was clear. 

My estimation is that,  even though he was  taken under the wing of Bülent Ecevit and elected as a member of parliament,  he did not  think much of  Bülent Bey. To put it another way,  Baykal,  of the party leader  experience  found it weak. 

Ecevit, especially after the 1977 elections   after  in the party  the strongest  faction  He saw that they were  Baykal supporters.   He understood that Baykal   wanted the chairmanship  seat.  Because he  himself had also  traveled the same paths. To İsmet Pasha  18th.  He had rebelled since the Congress and became the leader of the   Ecevit supporters. 

 Coming from this path,  on May 14,  1972, he toppled İnönü at the Congress and was elected as the third chairman  of the CHP. The same  thing happened to his own  could have happened to him as well. 

WHERE AND HOW  DID I SEE DENİZ BAYKAL?

I only saw Baykal  once.  That  was at Isparta Süleyman Demirel  University.  at an international  symposium he organized.  He had been invited  as  a guest of honor. The date must be 2008  .  I also saw Andrew   Mango at the same symposium. In the lobby of the hotel where we were staying, Mango's  in his conversation  I was one of those present.  

Baykal gave a very impressive  opening  speech  at this meeting.  Why [was there] an academically  oriented meeting  I later understood that I was invited.  The university rector, orthopedist Metin Lütfü Baydar, was elected  as a CHP member of parliament  for three terms. 

There was no doubt that  Baykal was a good speaker.  Based on my observations, I can say  that Baykal   he enjoys being in the opposition  he was enjoying this. 

BAYKAL'S  DOCTORAL AND ASSOCIATE PROFESSORSHIP THESES   

Baykal  in 1963  defended his doctoral thesis at the Ankara Faculty of Political Science. In 1961 

to the academy   two years after  entering.  In an article examining  the doctoral  and associate professorship  theses completed at the Faculty of Political Sciences,   it is noted that he  began his doctorate in 1959.  was written.  A graduate of Ankara Law,  Baykal  immediately after graduation  enrolled in a doctorate program  at the neighboring faculty.  Ms. Olcay  was also at the Faculty of Political Science   Finance  Still an undergraduate student  in the department.  Baykal's  doctoral thesis title: Political  Elite Theory (Field: political science, defense date: 14.10.1963)  His associate professorship thesis  is dated 1968  and it would bear the title "Political Participation: A Behavioral Study." 

At the same time,  Mete Tunçay was also one of the young academics at Mülkiye in Ankara. In 1961,   with a thesis titled  "The Concept of Autonomy"  he completed his doctorate,   and Professor Mete,  in 1966  "Left-wing movements in Turkey"  and will become an Associate Professor.  will be.

As can be understood  from the dates,   Baykal  when he was accepted into the academy  Mete Tunçay  was an assistant who had completed his doctorate. By the associate professorship stage, Baykal,  Mete Tunçay  appears to have quickly closed the gap.

BAYKAL'S  ACADEMIC CAREER  WAS AN INVESTMENT IN POLITICS   

Baykal's   1968 associate professorship thesis  for the CHP  that he conducted   from a research project  was produced.  A practical and goal-oriented path. Both  for recognition within the party  and  in terms of an academic career  a quite useful approach. 

Baykal's thesis   in 1970  was published.  As an AÜSBF publication. 

In summary, in 1961   at Mülkiye  as an assistant  entering  Baykal completed his doctorate in 1963  and became an associate professor in 1968.  In 1973, he was an Antalya  member of parliament. When he became  Minister of Finance in the CHP-MSP coalition,  he was  35 years old.  

ECEVIT'S ACADEMIC CADRES  AND BAYKAL'S  PLACE WITHIN THEM 

Ecevit,  after 1968,   against the  "right-wing Atatürkism"  line in the party  launched a fierce offensive. This  would lead to a split  in the party. The Republican Reliance Party was born out of this  ideological  crisis. The movement initiated by Ecevit   was a 'Left of Center' opening  against elitism.  Ecevit was an anti-elitist  was actually elite. This created contradictions within itself. 

The populist Ecevit  discourse's  content  could not be filled  in a very meaningful  way. In this article,  Ecevit's populism  productive forces, means of production   and at the level of class relations  I will not touch upon his abstract diagnoses. In my opinion, Ecevit's leftism was  idealistic. 

But still, I cannot pass without  mentioning it in one sentence. In the 70s, Demirel  accused Ecevit  of being a Marxist.  was accusing. This was not true. If you ask me, Ecevit's  mind  was confused. When his words and writings are examined carefully, it can be seen that he said things  close  to the  Second  Republicanism  theses that emerged after 1980. 

At the 1972 Convention  İsmet Pasha  Ecevit, who brought an end to the era of, had established   a broad delegation  of academics  that included Baykal. The party  would win elections and reach out to the public through science. 

This  the staff was mostly  recruited from the professors of the   Ankara Law and Political Science  faculties.  I can immediately mention a few names that come to mind.  Gündüz Ökçün,  Haluk Ülman, Besim Üstünel, Turan Güneş, and Deniz Baykal. There are, of course,  other names as well. 

These names  were elected as  deputies and senators.   They were appointed  to ministerial positions in Ecevit governments.  Baykal  was elected as the deputy for Antalya  in the 15th and 16th terms. He served as Minister of Finance and Minister of Energy  did. 

DURING THE SEPTEMBER 12 PERIOD  BAYKAL 

After the September 12 coup,   Demirel and Ecevit were in Hamzakoy, while Erbakan and Türkeş  were in Uzunada   by the TSK  (Turkish Armed Forces)  were  placed  under "guarantee."  This  phrase was used in  official statements. In fact, this  expression  political  party  leaders were interned, meaning they were being  held in custody.  

The politicians   deemed dangerous by the National Security Council (MGK)  were taken under surveillance at the Ankara Language School.  Baykal was one of them.   Regarding them  public prosecution  those against whom cases were opened   remained there in detention.  For example, Alparslan Türkeş. Baykal   a few months later  was released. The NSC administration  regarding Baykal  thought as follows  I think he is "dangerous but  has no crime  to be charged with"  release him but keep him under surveillance. 

Ecevit  during this period  for his future  political life  including investment  to the military regime  defiance  attempts. He made attempts to publish the Arayış  magazine,  to publish,  to the foreign press  giving statements,   attempting to hold  a press conference,   failing to comply with the National Security Council (MGK) and Martial Law Command  directives, and attempting to announce his resignation  from the CHP chairmanship  to the public   via a declaration,  among others. 

Due to these  actions,  he also went  to prison twice.  For short periods. The junta gave Ecevit  a  short-term  warning.  was having the sentences handed down. He did not go any further. 

Ecevit   also, from the position of the leader  imprisoned by the junta, did everything  in his power to maximize the benefit. His letters  which he had printed  on prison-letterhead  paper  was writing. This  was a political  demonstration.  

Demirel  because he was smarter   than all the politicians  took to the  trenches. The time's  began to wait for it to come. Baykal would act just like Demirel. 

AFTER SEPTEMBER 12  BAYKAL 

When the September 12 coup took place, we saw Baykal adopt  a Demirel-style attitude. Unlike Ecevit.  This meant  waiting for the time to come and for favorable conditions to emerge.  to wait. 

The 1982 Constitution  had  imposed a series of bans  on the  old  political elite.   The junta was intent on creating a reliable political elite.  For this reason, the teams of Demirel and Baykal  defined  as an attempt to infiltrate  politics,  was met with a  violent  reaction by the National Security Council.  Even under the existing  legal order,  they were sent to the not-so-new "Zincirbozan Exile." 

Zincirbozan  the letters that Demirel and Baykal sent to the presidency of the National Security Council (MGK) during their days of  exile  are significant  in terms of  Turkish democratic history.  Both  politician also   Turkey's  two-hundred-year-old  rule of  law  struggle, after the   Habeas Corpus Act  behind a  level  indicated that it had fallen  . 

Nevertheless, the exile regime  was  successful. The parliament and  the government, with the approval of the MGK,   a  was formed in this manner. Power was handed to Özal's party. (1983)

NATIONAL  SECURITY  COUNCIL DECISIONS  AND THE ZİNCİRBOZAN EXILE 

The NSC,  the constitution and   fundamental  after enacting all   the laws, it  initiated the  calendar for a return  to multi-party political life. This meant the beginning  of a period where there was  relative freedom  under military regime conditions. 

The constitution contained  categories   of 5  and 10  year   bans  for former political cadres.  The Council, only  He had found  a formula to  save  Turhan Feyzioğlu. 

The group of politicians  that Deniz Baykal was a part of  (members of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey between 1977-1980)  were banned from politics for 5 years   had been banned. In practice,  this ban  only  meant being unable to be a candidate or to be elected.   It meant. 

The implementation of the other bans was practically impossible.  The National Security Council (MGK) sent the old politicians  who tried to undermine the new regime to the Zincirbozan Military  to its facilities.  exiled.  

This time  the name of the practice  would be "being subjected to mandatory residence"  it would be.  This was actually  the Ottoman "nefy" (exile)  was its punishment. In reality, however,   military  regime's  sterile politics  against the attempt of the old guard to infiltrate the sphere  it was a junta  precaution. 

of the MGK  Decree No. 79  gathered 16 former politicians in Zincirbozan. This was a kind of  internment  camp.  (June 2, 1983) 

Among these names were Süleyman  Demirel,  Sadettin  AP members such as Bilgiç, İhsan Sabri Çağlayangil, Hüsamettin Cindoruk, Nahit Menteşe, Mehmet Gölhan, Ali Naili Erdem, and Ekrem Ceyhun   along with  AP members   and Deniz Baykal,  Süleyman Genç, Sırrı Atalay,  Yüksel Çakmur, and Celal Doğan  as well as CHP members  too   existed. 

Baykal,  the Zincirbozan  exile was, by the military  regime's own  established  transition process legislation,  contrary  that it was  very solid   legal  arguments  proving it with a  petition-letter   he wrote. He submitted it to the National Security  Council.  

In the petition, Baykal stated that   decision number 79  was a de facto arrest,  and that it was without an indictment, without a defense,  without a trial, unlawful and unauthorized,  and a decision made   by  an entity other than a judicial body.  wrote. This decision  and the Council's  violation of the current constitution   he said.  He was extremely right. 

Baykal  his petition “in Europe  700 years ago  Magna Carta and Habeas Corpus  Act,  guaranteed   fundamental rights in 1983 Turkey  were being  violated,”   he said,  concluding.  

FROM SEPTEMBER 12  TO 1992 POLITICAL PARTIES  

I would like to   start this heading with  a memory that is  very important to me. 

My late   father   had voted for the Democrat Party and the Justice Party throughout his life.  As you can understand,  he had supported  Menderes and Demirel. I used to get angry   at my father.  But  as the years passed,  I understood him very well. The issue was class   a matter of   consciousness. 

The September 12 regime (which meant  Kenan Pasha)  because it stopped  the bloody acts of violence and  established  public order  had supported it.  The violence had ended and their children  without worry  to their schools  were able to go.  The country's  current  totalitarian  peace and  an environment of security  was being mentioned. The severe oppressive  regime and lack of freedom in the country  were not very important from my father's perspective. 

The day came. The National Security Council  shut down all political  parties whose activities had been suspended. Including the CHP. Regarding the closure of the CHP  my late   father reacted in a way I  never  expected: 'Look, this just wasn't right, Pasha...'  he said. He was angry at this   decision  by the Evren regime. 'That was Atatürk's party,' he said. He was referring to the closure of his own party (AP)  closure  was showing consent  but did not  find the closure  of the CHP legitimate. There was loyalty to Atatürk in this reaction. As time passed, I understood this reaction of my father   very well.  I understood.

Ultimately, the CHP was  also closed down  became one of the parties. The  Six-Arrow signs were removed, and provincial and district organizations were sealed. 

The National Security Council   with this  brand new  political actors, political  parties could be created,  it had thought.  But this was  contrary to the nature of politics. 

Özal and General Sunalp  became the politicians  who benefited the most   from this destructive decision.  While the National Security Council (MGK) claimed they were completely erasing the past,  power fell into the hands of Turgut Özal, a former MSP member and a follower of the Naqshbandi order. General Kenan and his associates approved this. 

However, as the regime normalized, the political parties of the past  began to emerge  under different names and emblems.  The National View (Milli Görüş) supporters founded the Welfare Party (Refah Partisi), the MHP supporters founded the Nationalist Work Party (MÇP), and the CHP supporters founded SODEP     and the Populist Party (Halkçı Parti). 

The CHP's   third chairman,  Ecevit, had Rahşan Hanım establish the DSP and closed the door to the others.  The closed  Justice Party  was continuing its path under the caretaker  chairmanships of Dr. Yıldırım Avcı and Hüsamettin Cindoruk.  These figures  were  Demirel's  loyal men. They were managing the party on his behalf. 

Starting from 1987, in Turkish politics  under new names  continuing their  activities, the old political parties (CHP, AP, MSP, MHP)   SHP, DYP, RP, MÇP   with their legal entities  were present in the political arena.  This front  the architect of the regime, Evren, and those who benefited from him  took positions against the ruling  party, ANAP, and Özal. All dynamics in politics  changed.  The old guard  entered the field.  To overcome legal  obstacles  "fabricated"  party  names  politics  continued until 1991.  The ANAP fell from power.  Conditions changed   even further. 

 Following  the law  that allowed  the reorganization of closed  parties,  Demirel and Erbakan  did not prioritize  their former party names. The DYP,  accepted the Justice Party emblem with minor changes.  This was  the 'Kırat' (White Horse). In other words, 'Demirkırat' (Iron Horse).

The  National View (Milli Görüş) supporters   were not interested in the re-establishment of the MSP.  It was already well known who was who in that camp. The name  and the emblem were not important. They were Islamists. One day, the Just Order  they claimed  they would establish.  The transformation of the MCP  into the MHP also happened very  easily. The 'Başbuğ' (Leader) returned with ceremonies. 

In 1991, Alparslan  Türkeş  and Aykut Edibali  By forming an electoral alliance with Erbakan  (under the Refah umbrella)  they entered parliament, and then returned to their own parties. 

But  for the CHP members  the  situation was different. For this reason: In parliament  de facto  A party that was the  CHP  already existed. This was the  Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP), of which  Erdal İnönü was the chairman. This party   formed  the  main body of the center-left.   Ecevit, the third chairman of the CHP,  by saying, "I am a democratic leftist. I am not a social democrat,"   was  vetoing the negotiations for unity on the left   from the very beginning. 

In my opinion, Ecevit's  issue was entirely  emotional. The general  during his chairmanship   through delegate maneuvers  trying to blockade him  factions, especially towards Baykal  the hatred he felt  was the main reason   for his attitude.

BAYKAL AGAIN  IN PARLIAMENT (1987) 

The 1983 elections  resulted in   the formation of  a parliament  that was authorized by the military regime. It was an election held with the fewest number of political parties in the history of Turkish democracy.  an election was held.  With these elections  Under the tutelage of the Council  with a double veto  and thresholds, ANAP  came to power. Or rather, was brought to power. 

Thanks to the  double-threshold   veto system,   international capitalism  The ANAP of Özal, the representative of Turkey,  took over  power. 

In Turkey,   Özal, who was presented as a civil society advocate and liberal democrat,   was  extraordinarily   opposed to the bans.   was satisfied. However,   all of the bans    could have been lifted immediately  together with the main opposition party, the Populist Party.  

Özal, regarding the bans  stemming from the temporary  Articles 1 and 4  of the Constitution, called them "national  of the will  had decided”  saying, and was positioning itself behind   Kenan Evren. 

Until 1987,   the opposition  political parties' struggle  eventually  the constitutional  amendment lifting  the bans was enacted.   Özal,   before  the ballot boxes  had even closed,  called a snap election  made the decision. 

Deniz Baykal,  on   September 12, 1987,  returned to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM), from which he had been dismissed,   with this election.   He was once again a deputy for Antalya.  This  time party  was the Social Democratic Populist Party. The party's  name was intended to resemble the CHP  and so, contrary to  orthographic  rules, it was written  as Socialdemocratic  Populist Party. 

In the 'new politics' where  the names and emblems  of the old political parties   could not be used,  the two center-left parties,  SODEP and the Populist Party,  of the Constitution's  Article 84  overcoming winding paths, they had merged  under the legal entity of the SHP. 

With the resignation of Aydın Güven Gürkan, Physics Professor  Erdal İnönü had become  the chairman of the SHP.  Baykal  was  İnönü's chairman  Antalya deputy of the SHP, which he was a member of,  became. 

Baykal  from 1973 onwards  considered himself worthy  of the CHP chairmanship. This is certain.  This time, the SHP  chairmanship    that he was the most suitable name  for  it, he must have thought. 

Erdal İnönü met Baykal's ambition  with  democratic  smiles of tolerance, not caring at all. A similar situation could  certainly never be the case for Ecevit.  What Baykal  had truly wanted  since the 1970s  was the seat  of the Gazi.  Baykal, 

the chairman's  undermining.   through factional  politics, he first became   secretary general.  Afterward, he ran  against İnönü three times. He lost. 

İnönü,   at the conventions, would say, “I am not that eager for it.  If you want,  I will  leave”  tone.  The delegates  were satisfied with  Erdal İnönü’s   tension-free chairmanship. They re-elected  him again and again. Not Baykal. 

For a very simple  reason.  The force holding  the party together was the "İnönü"  surname. 

The situation had become crystal clear.  Unless Erdal İnönü stepped down from the chairmanship, no matter what Baykal's charisma was,  the Grand Congress,  He was going to choose Inönü.  Baykal  party  retains his power within the organization  but  chairman  could not be elected.

CONDITIONS  CHANGING - THE CHP IS BEING RE-ESTABLISHED   

The referendum held in 1987  in Turkish politics  had shifted  many balances.   Even though it was  regarding the majority required to amend the constitution,   a very important trump card  Even though it provided an advantage to Özal.  The AKP would later benefit from this opportunity  and change the regime. 

Despite this, in 1987, Özal  thanks to an electoral system that  extraordinarily distorted the justice of representation (36% of the vote for nearly 2/3 of  the Grand National Assembly of Turkey  members)  In 1989  he ascended to Çankaya. 

However, this situation  created problems regarding  the party he left behind. Eventually, the party leadership remained with Mesut Yılmaz.

Mesut Yılmaz, rightfully   Özal's  de facto  presidential  regime  in order to bypass  Demirel and  İnönü  by reaching an agreement with   early  general  went to  the election. 

THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT CONVENTION 

The first coalition in Turkey was formed in 1961. At that time,    the AP and the CHP did not define themselves as right-wing or left-wing. The coalition  was realized according to the protocol  signed by İnönü and Gümüşpala. 

Thirty years later,  and after Turkish politics went through quite a few trials, these two  deep-rooted  traditions, this time  under the identities of DYP and SHP  formed a  coalition.  Demirel became  Prime Minister, and Erdal İnönü became Deputy Prime Minister. (1991) 

The most significant action  of this government  in terms of our political history  is the reopening of  all  political parties  that had been shut down  throughout the history of the republic.  the enactment of the law   that allowed  the re-establishment  of the parties. 

According to the law,  the closed parties  could convene with the members  from their last grand congresses  party authorized  organs  would be formed; in this way  the dissolved party  would regain its legal personality.  The party's  assets that were transferred to the treasury  when it was closed  would be able to  reclaim it. 

The CHP, based on  Law No. 3821,  on September 9,  1992,  regained  its legal personality. 

Enthusiastic  and  the party's  third chairman, Bülent Ecevit, only  sending  a congratulatory telegram  to the convention was regrettable. With his message, Ecevit  Republican People's Party    it does not concern me  was what he meant to say. However,  it should have concerned him. Ultimately,  the convention  against Erol Tuncer  was won by Baykal.  

PRESIDENCY  AND  LOCAL  ADMINISTRATION   ELECTIONS

The law that allowed for the re-establishment of  political parties that had been closed in 1992  gave Baykal  and his team the opportunity to take control of the CHP leadership  opportunity  provided.

Baykal and İsmail Cem  formed  an alliance to   organize  a political  focus  around their own leadership.  they wanted. 

This project  did not seem  realistic at first. Even if  the CHP  were established  despite the  legal personality of the SHP, what could it achieve?  This is another  reality, but   the center-left  was shrinking instead of growing   as it gave birth to new parties. 

After the CHP    was  re-established  With the deputies who left the SHP and joined the CHP,  a small group was formed in parliament. Here,  the term  group refers to parliamentary  law  context.    The party's first election experience  was in 1993.  presidential  election took place.  The CHP nominated İsmail Cem. This was, of course, a   symbolic act aimed at proving the party's  presence in parliament. The vote İsmail Cem received  against  Demirel  in the third round  only  27  would be. 

The first election   in which the CHP participated was the presidential election  held following the vacancy left by Özal's death. 

The CHP, which still had  a small group,  of the coalition partners DYP and SHP  fielded İsmail Cem against their joint candidate, Süleyman Demirel. The result was determined in the third round.  The distribution  of the votes was as follows: Süleyman Demirel  (244), Kamran İnan (94), Lütfi Doğan (47), İsmail Cem (27) 

The CHP's  first real election  test was in 1994  local  government  elections. These elections   the approaching  Islamism   danger very clearly   in a way  had shown.  On the right and the left  the division paved the way for Gökçek in Ankara and  Erdoğan's   election  in Istanbul. 

The general local elections held in March 1994  showed that the CHP, under Baykal's leadership, had fallen behind the SHP and the DSP. The CHP was the last-place party on the left.  CHP  He nominated Ertuğrul Günay in Istanbul and Korel Göymen in Ankara.  Neither candidate was able to  make an impact. The splitting  of the votes led to the Welfare Party  winning everywhere. 

The results  across   Turkey    let's take a look if you will:   let's take a look if you will:  DYP 21%, ANAP 21%, RP 19%, SHP 13.6%, DSP 8.8%, CHP 4.6%. 

The situation was dire. They were losing everywhere.  Following this, the SHP and CHP decided to merge under the  doyen-arbitration of Hikmet Abi (Hikmet Çetin).  The merger was to take place under  Atatürk's Six-Arrow emblem. 

A few  months later, at the party congress held to determine the new CHP party administration,  there was a democratic but fierce  competition. Baykal  won the election. Once  again  he became the chairman of the CHP.  Now  there was only  one party: the Republican People's Party (CHP), and the leader  elected by the convention was Deniz Baykal.  

 However, it was evident that the center-left   voters were not giving any special  credit to Baykal's leadership.  In the first general  election (1995), the CHP under Baykal's management barely passed the threshold  by a very   small margin  surpassing  the threshold to enter  the Grand National Assembly of Turkey: 10.5%.   Voters  who lean left gave the DSP, which gave the impression of  an Ecevit Fan Club,  put him ahead of Baykal. 14.5%  I also   voted for Ecevit in that election.  When we look at the total vote  nothing had changed. 25%. This meant  that the CHP  was even falling behind   the 1969 election. 

THE MURAT KARAYALÇIN  FACTOR 

After Demirel ascended  to Çankaya, Erdal İnönü  also  announced that he would  leave politics. This  statement   It meant that the pieces in the DYP and SHP  had to be  rearranged.  Murat Karayalçın, who was elected   

Mayor of Ankara from the SHP in 1989,  drew attention  with his  successful municipal governance.   was gathering on him. After Erdal İnönü,  it  was understood  that there was a broad consensus  regarding his election  as the party's  chairman. The effect of this  positive atmosphere  and Murat Karayalçın was elected  the second  chairman of the SHP.  September 11, 1993. Karayalçın remained   as   chairman  until the merger congress held on February 18, 1995.  (SHP-CHP  unification  congress) 

In the meantime, I would like to  remind that the CHP  formed a small group  in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM)  with the deputies  who left the SHP. Towards the end of the 19th legislative term  with  new   memberships, the number of CHP deputies rose to 42. 

1994  IN THE FACE OF  ELECTION RESULTS   THE MERGER OF SHP AND CHP

SODEP-HP in 1985   brought together by the merger  the left was divided once again  with the establishment of the CHP in 1992.  On the left,  Ecevit (DSP), who vehemently rejected proposals for unification,  was frequently criticized and called  a "divider".  

Already unable to rise above 25 percent,  the left was now   divided not into two, but into three. Once again, the  necessity of   coming together   was clearly evident. 

Despite the   1994  results  There was no  refusal from the Ecevit front.  Leaving him  to his own fate,  the SHP and CHP decided  to merge.   The decision  was correct.  The two parties were to come together  under the legal entity  of the Six Arrows. 

Karayalçın and Baykal   did not run as candidates at the merger congress  in favor of Hikmet Çetin. "Brother Hikmet"  managed the party  until the first congress: February 1995-September 1995. 

Between September 9-10, 1995   at the 27th Ordinary Congress, Baykal emerged victorious  against Karayalçın. 

The DYP-SHP  coalition became the DYP-CHP  coalition.  The coalition   of the  on its left wing  there had been significant changes,  the chairman  and the party's legal entity  had changed.  Baykal made Çiller    call for early elections.  The elections were held on December 24, 1995. 

The parties entered parliament in the following order:  Welfare Party (Refah Partisi)  21.8%,  DYP 19%, ANAP 19.6%, DSP 14.5%, CHP 10.5%.  The CHP   fell behind Ecevit's party. It was able to become the  last  party to enter the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. 

The CHP chairmanship that Baykal  CHP  had desired with great enthusiasm  did not benefit the party,  and the party was only able to enter  parliament as the fifth-largest party. 

TWO OBSERVATIONS  REGARDING BAYKAL: Bahri Savcı AND  WHAT I HEARD FROM METE TUNÇAY 

The late Bahri Savcı  was one of the  legendary  professors  at Ankara Political Science. A constitutional  lawyer and  of the Human Rights Center   is among its founders. Professor Rona Aybay also  had been in the same circle at Mülkiye. 

The year was 1961.  Perhaps  Professor Bahri was at that time a member of the Constituent  Assembly  member   at the time.  I suspect that the associate professor at the chair was Professor Mümtaz Soysal.  I assume.  They wanted to hire an assistant. The staff position and exam  requirements  were announced. According to what I heard from Professor Bahri, they had  a candidate in mind  that they wanted to hire. 

Young Law  Deniz Baykal from Antalya, a graduate, performed so  brilliantly  in his exam  that they  decided to hire him.  Baykal practically  crushed all his rivals. The story of his  hiring as an assistant  like this. 

Although I am not certain  with Ms. Olcay  Akçakoca  vacation  and the whirlwind  wedding event  immediately after being accepted to Mülkiye  could be. 

The story I heard from Professor Mete Tunçay is an observation  regarding his  interest  in politics  from a very early period.  Mete Tunçay, 1936, 

Mete Tunçay 1936,  Baykal  was born in 1938. At that time, Professor Mete  was a senior assistant who had completed his doctorate under the supervision of Yavuz Abadan. Baykal  was still a novice at the School of Political Science (Mülkiye).

Professor Mete,  regarding his young assistant friend who was pursuing a doctorate,  did not view  the keen interest he showed in politics favorably. 

His political philosophy,   political theory, political sociology  studies,  daily politics  with  warned him not to be so involved  in.  Very interesting.  Baykal said, "Brother, politics is so  enjoyable..."  he said. 

Let me finish with an interesting note, if you will. Professor Mete had said, "I had thought  he would enter politics  through Demirel's Justice Party." In these words,  Baykal's interest in  politics  regarding his early period  there was a sense of belittlement (disdain)  present. 

Professor Mete  meant to say this: Baykal's political  ambition for a career was so   strong that  in the first election (1965), from the Justice Party  member of parliament  to be elected  opportunity  had he caught the opportunity, he would not have hesitated to utilize this chance.

In conclusion, Deniz Baykal is the  4th  chairman of the CHP. He  achieved his goal. But we  we could not see the party's success.