The 40-year adventure of the equestrian statue of Inönü

TAKSIM  SQUARE  WHAT COMES TO MIND 

Images from childhood and youth are important in the human mind. For me,  Taksim,  Republic  Monument  aside, is the Palace of Culture (now the AKM) and right in front of it  The May 27 revolution   symbolized by olive  leaves  wrapped around a bayonet  statue   and  the  early days   that I could not make sense of  the Inönü statue  pedestal. 

MY DISCOVERY  OF THE EQUESTRIAN  INÖNÜ STATUE 

In the mid-70s    while I was still a high school student, I encountered a statue pedestal with inscriptions on its sides at the top of the Gezi Park stairs. For a long time, I could not fully grasp its nature.

I was unaware of the great battles that had been fought over it.  In the past, learning something   was not very easy. Even if you proceeded through the right connections,  it  would take  quite a long time. Now, the moment you type 'Taksim statue pedestal' into a search engine,   you can instantly learn what you are curious about.

KIRDAR'S GOVERNOR-MAYORSHIP 

During the Atatürk era,   the Governor of Istanbul was Muhittin Üstündağ. Under the municipal law, he also held the position of Mayor of Istanbul  simultaneously. Üstündağ governed Istanbul for a long time. 

He was removed from office after Atatürk's death. Dr. Lütfi Kırdar was  appointed in his place. Dr. Kırdar had previously served as the Governor of Manisa and was an extremely  capable administrator. His family roots traced back to Kirkuk. I should mention that I have read  some articles  claiming he was a cousin of İhsan Doğramacı. 

He was a physician known for his administrative skills since the years of the Committee of Union and Progress. He had specialized in ophthalmology in Germany and was elected as a deputy from Kütahya in 1936.  He was elected. 

During the Atatürk era, he decided to implement the plan of Henri Prost,  who was invited to transform Istanbul  into a modern city.  The plan  envisioned large park areas in two central districts of the city. 

The plan had envisioned large park areas in two central regions of the city. 

One of these was in the Walled City, the second  would be parks connected through gradual transitions starting from Taksim  to the present-day Maçka Park. The starting area was Taksim Gezi.

In the place known today as  Gezi Park, there was an Artillery Barracks built in the 19th century  in an eclectic style (with onion domes)  that 

was in a semi-abandoned state at the time of the republic.  had been transferred. See Burhan Felek's  writings.  In Turkey's largest city (the former  capital), it served as a stadium. 

Including matches  held by famous  boxers brought  from abroad.  there was no other  venue  for all spectator sports. Dr. Kırdar rolled up his sleeves for a new Istanbul. Let us also remember, in the meantime, that he had the Dolmabahçe Stadium built.  in the meantime. 

During his tenure as governor and mayor, Dr. Kırdar provided an example of destructive-constructive action.   He both destroyed and built. Menderes continued this path. The late Adnan Bey viewed Istanbul as a medieval city and wanted to weave it with asphalt boulevards. And he did just that.  

The years Kırdar was in office were the years of the Second World War.  Although resources were limited, he continued development activities very skillfully. He expropriated the area from Taksim to Harbiye (including Armenian cemeteries). The Muslim cemeteries up to Gümüşsuyu were also part of the new development  was expropriated to  open up areas.  Dr. Kırdar expropriated many parts of 

Istanbul, which had turned into layers piled on top of each other over centuries.  He demolished them.  He rebuilt them according to the plan. 

THE STATUE WAS DR. KIRDAR'S IDEA 

The idea of building an Inönü statue in Taksim Gezi Park belonged to Dr. Lütfi Kırdar.  belonged to. It was decided that the statue  would be commissioned  to Rudolf Belling, head of the Sculpture  department  at the Academy of Fine  Arts.  Belling had previously  worked on the Ziraat in Ankara.  He had made an İnönü statue for the faculty garden.  He had made it. 

Belling  and his assistants would also work together on the Anıtkabir reliefs in the 50s. 

Given the financial conditions of the 40s, the implementation of Henri Prost's  Istanbul plan was truly a massive step. 

For this reason, the urban development initiatives of Dr. Kırdar  and Menderes  the infrastructure of the central  districts  of modern-day Istanbul  was established. 

Kırdar's  commissioning   an Inönü statue   from Rudolf Belling  in the attempt  is not surprising.  What is surprising is the size of the statue and the place where it was  intended to be placed. 

During the production process of the statue, National Chief Inönü visited the workshop. It is understood from the photographs of the day that he was quite pleased  with the creation of his statue.  

The  pedestal of the statue  another project regarding  was carried out. It was completed. Ultimately,  the statue was finished in 1944  and  could have been placed  in its intended location. 

But by then,   the conditions   had completely changed. In my opinion, the  colossal  size of the statue  and  the location chosen for it must have  dampened  Inönü's  initial enthusiasm. 

In the meantime,  in 1946,  the transition to a multi-party  political system took place. The Democrat Party grew rapidly. As an opposition party,  it increased its influence. Following the July 12  declaration,  Inönü  moved away from being a partisan president.  rather  adopted a position of "neutrality." 

In 1949, Dr.  Ord. Prof. Dr. was appointed as the Governor of Istanbul, replacing Lütfi Kırdar.  Fahrettin Kerim Gökay was brought in. Gökay, during the Menderes governments  period  also continued his duty for a long time. 

The dimensions of the statue  and  to be placed  my opinion regarding the desired location  is not positive. I do not find the idea of a statue large enough to overshadow the Taksim Republic Monument to be correct.  The chosen location was also not correct. The reason for this choice, in my opinion,  was the  “zeitgeist”  and what defined this spirit was  The Second World War  and the dominance  of the National   Chief   concept. 

For the statue, a reasonable location within Gezi Park would have been more appropriate. For instance, placing it towards Taşkışla or Halaskar Gazi Street would not have been bad. In terms of size, it should also have been smaller than the Republic Monument. 

(İnönü with Belling) 

THE STATUE  HOW DID THE CREATOR RUDOLF BELLING   COME TO  TURKEY?

The reason for Rudolf Belling's   arrival in Turkey is different from  the other German professors. 

The other names  were of Jewish descent  they were dismissed from their jobs. Due to safety concerns in the face of German fascism, they were   in other countries  work   were looking for.  They even formed a committee for this purpose. Jewish professors expelled from their countries sought employment in an organized manner.  A significant   portion of them  would come to Turkey.  Turkey had a need for such  high-caliber  scientists.  For those arriving, Turkey was also a safe  island.  Especially after the war  intensified, for the scientists leaving Europe,   Turkey was the safest  became one of the places. 

Belling,  was not Jewish. He had married a Jewish  artist.  The couple had divorced some time ago. However, they had a son: Thomas. 

Belling's views were at odds with the  rising new regime. Against National  Socialism or German fascism.  After the Weimar Republic was established  (1919), in Germany,   social and political  in every field  conflicts and disputes  had already  begun  to be experienced.  The fields of literature and  art  were also included in this.  The Nazis accused everyone except themselves  of treason and corruption,  starting with the communists. 

Belling, until the 30s,  was part of the November Group, which addressed painting, sculpture, and architecture together.  had taken part in it. In 1919, he created his first non-figurative work (meaning  abstract sculpture), titled 'Triple Harmony'.

According to the Nazis, this approach was  degeneration in art. Fascism took  all necessary measures to establish  its own indigenous  and national  artistic understanding.  began. This meant the purging of all artists who were not in their own ranks.  purging  meant. 

Belling was dismissed from his duties.  He stayed in the USA for a while. But the real issue was  his ex-wife  being Jewish  because of his son  It was Thomas's personal safety. 

Meanwhile,  following the sudden death of Namık İsmail,  the founding director of the Academy of Fine Arts, from a heart attack (on the Kadıköy  ferry),  Burhan Toprak was appointed  to the Academy's  administration. Toprak wanted to implement reforms within the State Academy of Fine Arts. 

As a result of the contacts,   Rudolf Belling was invited to the sculpture department, Bruno Taut to architecture, and Leopold Levy to painting  department  and were appointed as  heads of their respective departments.

Let me remind you:  Belling  became the teacher of Mari Gerekmezyan. During the same years, İvi Stangali was also a student in the Bedri Rahmi workshop within the painting department, where Leopold Levy was the head. 

At the Academy of  Fine Arts,  while this period  of progress  was being experienced, a hell of war  was unfolding around our country.

INÖNÜ'S STANCE 

National Chief Inönü was initially against the erection of his statue  quite  pleased, although   due to the reactions  he lost interest over time,  and did not take  any initiative.   He was unaware  of the statue incident  like  began to behave. Consequently,  with  the  start of multi-party political life, the statue   was left in limbo. 

DEMOCRAT  PARTY AND INÖNÜ  THE STATUE 

After 1950, it had become certain that the statue  could no longer be placed  on its pedestal  in Taksim. The Democrats  had fallen  from power,  and Inönü's statue  of course  they would not  place it there. They could not  explain this  to their own voters. 

Beyond that, the  inscriptions on the pedestal praising Inönü were disturbing the party elite, DP voters, and standard Inönü detractors. 

At the same  “The Savarona  is  too expensive,  it reminds  us of the  single-party reign. Let's sink  this ship,” said those  who were present,  of the statue pedestal  there were also those who wanted it to be blown up. This thought has always  reminded me of the Unionists  blowing up  the Ayastefanos  Russian Monument. 

The Bayar-Menderes duo  of that much  they must have thought   it would be shameful, so  the statue pedestal   was  covered with a wooden screen. 

As you can see, with the transition to Turkish democracy, the Inönü statue pedestal was  covered with the "shawl of the Democrats."  The shawl was, in fact, draped over the man who established democracy. The shawl was actually draped over the man who established democracy.  Thus, İsmet Pasha was erased  from the square. 

The Democrats also changed the name of the  Dolmabahçe Stadium, which was built during  the time of Dr. Kırdar and named Inönü Stadium.  They renamed it Mithat Pasha Stadium.  I remember the time when this name  was in use. 

Because they established a connection between  Mithat Pasha's  struggle against  despotism  and their own   political  struggles. In fact, Bayar had Mithat Pasha's grave  brought from Taif to Istanbul in 1951. At the Hill of Liberty   was buried in its current location. 

I have an article on this subject.  If you would like to take a look, the citation is as follows: “Was it Mithat Pasha who was tried at the Yıldız Tent Court?  Or was it the Kanun-ı Esasi (Basic Law)?” 

 THE STATUES OF ISTANBUL 

Dr. Kırdar, in terms of his working style,  of the single-party elite  typical   was an example of.  When we look at the works   he signed,  it is a  very successful example. 

At the CHP's First Extraordinary Congress (1938),  the title of National Chief  was given to the president  He was of the opinion  that a statue of İnönü should be erected in Istanbul.  Construction work  was underway at Gezi Park, which was considered the most suitable location.   In my opinion, it was the right idea. 

In the 1940s,  there were  a limited number of statues in Istanbul.  Apart from the Atatürk statue  made by Heinrich Krippel in 1926  at Sarayburnu,  there was the Taksim Republic   monument, a work by Pietro Canonica that symbolized  the republican revolution. (1928) 

Both monuments emphasized the Turkish War of Independence, the revolution, and the new regime.  The War of Independence and   the founding leader of the republic   was being highlighted. But Atatürk was no longer there. 

There was İsmet Pasha, who was governing the country while surrounded by a ring of fire.  Although a project competition for Anıtkabir had been held for Atatürk and implementation had  begun   but  the country  the National Chief   was managing. 

The Prost plan was, in terms of urbanization,  a very revolutionary  concept. Achieving this in 1940s Turkey can be explained by Dr. Kırdar's skillful administration.

Regarding the idea of the statue,  I do not see any error. However,  the dimensions of the statue   the political [context] of the era   spirit  has a connection with:  The statue reflects  the image of the National Chief in a cape on horseback.   If it had been  placed in its spot.  Very  multi-party political  on the eve of its realization, it would have been a monument-statue  larger than the Republic Monument  dominating the elevation in Taksim.  This statue would have been the dominant element of the square. Now there is a completely different  Taksim  Square.  DR. KIRDAR'S  

DR. KIRDAR'S  HIS DEATH ON YASSIADA 

In my opinion, Dr. Lütfi Kırdar was not a figure  with party  affiliations.  What mattered to him was public service. 

He worked with the Committee of Union and Progress during the Constitutional Era, and with Atatürk   and the National Chief  during the early republican period. In the daily sense, he was concerned with politics  was not. In every period  he was praised for his work. 

He served as a member of parliament  from the CHP. Later  he became an independent  member of parliament  from the Democrat Party  list. Halide  Like Edip and Ali Fuat Cebesoy. 

After the 1957 elections, in the Menderes Government   Health  Ministry  was appointed. 

Dr. Kırdar was, after May 27, along with all  the ministers of the   deposed government, arrested. He was tried on Yassıada.  In February 1961, he could not withstand the mistreatment  by the judges of the High Court of Justice. While  presenting his defense,   he suffered  a heart attack and passed away. 

This  death  for me, in Turkey, marked the end of "politics  of 'contamination'   is an important event that shows  what kind of risks it means to take. And it is very painful. 

As in his testimonies to the High Investigation Board,  in order to provide  better service, the ruling party's  parliamentary membership and  ministry  had accepted the proposal. 

A FEW NOTES ON THE PERCEPTION OF  GOVERNOR DR. LÜTFİ KIRDAR 

In the early period of the current administration,  a policy of silence  regarding  the founding leaders  was adopted.  was watching. After 2007,  however, an offensive against the symbols of the revolution  was launched. The Fethullahists and the Second Republicans were on the front lines.

This   offensive also had a dimension carried out through symbols. For example, the Gülhane Military Hospital  was renamed the "Sultan Abdülhamid Han Training and Research Hospital."   Many  institutions had the name Atatürk removed under the pretext of construction and renovation. Yeşilköy Atatürk Airport was destroyed. 

The name of Dr. Lütfi Kırdar was also instrumentalized for AKP policies. The name of Dr. Lütfi Kırdar was given to certain places.  For example, the Kartal Training and Research Hospital. 

Dr. Kırdar is an important figure who served this country. His name could certainly have been given to some  institutions.  It should have been, too. But the intention was different. The reason for this  was  Dr. Kırdar's  legacy.  Yassıada  trials  during  his death. They saw him on their own front. 

However, anyone who examines Dr. Kırdar's biography even slightly  will see that he was  an administrator during the Atatürk  and Inönü eras.  Kırdar's primary  identity is that he was  a  successful administrator  of the single-party  era. 

He  was not politically a member of the Democrat Party. In terms of his thoughts and beliefs, he was also  was by no means close to the current government.  It was Dr. Kırdar who had Gezi Park built, which is still on the government's agenda. He is the one who had the Artillery Barracks demolished and replaced with  Gezi Park,  the  Istanbul  governor.  Kırdar also commissioned the Sports Exhibition Palace, the Open-Air Theater, and the Dolmabahçe Stadium. Kırdar 

Kırdar also commissioned the Sports Exhibition Palace, the Open-Air Theater, and the Dolmabahçe Stadium. Kırdar  his actions have significantly   altered the silhouette  of our city in terms of  modernization. Menderes also continued  this line in his own style. 

It is understood that Kırdar had a special relationship with Inönü. What I mean is that Dr. Kırdar  historically  was an Ismet Pasha supporter. He appointed him as the governor of Istanbul and  municipality    is the one who made him mayor. 

The conditions in the 50s    led him to join the DP. What happened to him was a great misfortune. What determined his ill fate  was that on May 27, 1960, he was  caught as   a minister  from the DP. Where he was on the day of the coup  the location was wrong. 

What I mean is, the government's Kırdar narrative   is incorrect. Perhaps the government's  advisors, regarding our political history,  without  gathering  sufficient  information, have taken a superficial   generalizations  in making  they see no harm. 

HOW AND WHY  WAS THE STATUE  BROUGHT TO  MAÇKA PARK?  THE STORY 

By the time  I discovered Taksim Square,    the wooden screen  covering   the monument's pedestal  had been removed. The May 27  revolutionaries   a DP  They removed the wooden screen because they considered it a cost-saving measure. 

The statue was found in 1973  in one of the municipality's  warehouses, left to rot.  It must have been during the  mayoral term  of Ahmet İsvan. 

Finally  40 years later, it was placed  in the location  where it stands today,  in the park in front of the Inönü  house in Maçka. July 24, 1982.  The September 12  administration   continued   was doing. In the video of the opening, Consultative Assembly  President Ord. Prof. Dr. Sadi Irmak (Acul Sadi) and Mevhibe Hanım can be seen.

The  military  regime's decision to place it in a park  area away  from public view  is as follows  in terms of maintenance  is significant. For one, the monument's  pedestal is being removed from  Taksim Square, and the Inönü Statue debate  was brought to an end with such a formula. 

The statue was practically   hidden  from view  as if it had been brought here. Indeed, this was the indirect goal. Today,  those who go to Maçka Park  feel this. 

The statue  here  the September 12 administration that brought it    on one hand  while preaching "Atatürkism",  on the other hand, I would remind you that he  had closed  Atatürk's party.  In the meantime, let us not forget that SODEP, to which Erdal İnönü was elected as chairman, 

was vetoed  because it might win the election.   Mr. Erdal, despite martial law restrictions,  continued his efforts.  did not comply  on the grounds that he was tried in the Ankara Martial Law Military Court. He was  acquitted in the case filed. But after the elections were held and  everything was over and done with.  (1983) 

The May 27 coup plotters  did not want to appear  too close to İnönü.  The  radical group within the   National Unity Committee  was already against Inönü. The NUC viewed Inönü not as the Western Front  commander,  chief delegate at Lausanne,  or the 'Second Man,' but rather as one of the  political party leaders.  one   took care to treat him as. Without any lack  of  respect. In fact, Cemal Gürsel,  in the event of the CHP  winning  the election,  Inönü's  president  the possibility of being elected  was also not very pleased. Justice Party  chairman retired General Ragıp Gümüşpala  with   distance  equality  was trying to ensure. 

The leaders of the September 12 coup  had  already  shut down the CHP.  They were imposing something called "National Security Council Atatürkism."  They were  actively working against   İnönü.   of course they could not be. But they were not  in favor either. 

The reason for the official and limited  ceremony held on the anniversary   of the Treaty of Lausanne  after the restoration of the Inönü statue was completed  was this.