Akın Öztürk: “I was chosen as a scapegoat... Akar, Güler, and Ünal pinned this on me”

News: Müyesser YILDIZ

Former General Akın Öztürk, who has been in prison for 9 years after being sentenced to 141 aggravated life sentences on charges of being the number 1 of the July 15 coup attempt, stated: “With the state discipline I received, my personality, my optimism, and my self-confidence regarding my innocence, I watched the court process in silence. I did not beg anyone, nor did I attack anyone. I hoped that the wrong calculation would be corrected. But it didn't happen, it couldn't happen, they didn't let it happen. Unfortunately, this attitude of mine reinforced the perception in the public eye that I was remaining silent out of a sense of guilt.” After saying this, he claimed that some people had “chosen him as a scapegoat and a screen” to hide themselves, and alleged that Hulusi Akar, Yaşar Güler, and Abidin Ünal had pinned the matter on him. Öztürk also claimed that there was no redness on Akar's neck while at the Akıncı Air Base, and noted that he knows who gave the order to bomb 34 villagers in Uludere in 2011, but that he would tell it when the time comes, not now.

Akın Öztürk, who presented his defense yesterday and the day before at the General Staff 'Roof' Case, which began being retried at the Ankara 17th High Criminal Court in the Sincan Prison Campus following the Supreme Court of Appeals' partial reversal decision, began his words as follows:

“On July 15, I carried out all the instructions given by Hulusi Akar. But somehow, one of us became the hero of July 15, and one of us became the number 1. I no longer want to be a part of this theater. That's why I thought a lot about whether to present a defense or not, but I decided to tell it one last time. First of all, I want Hulusi Akar, Yaşar Güler, Abidin Ünal, former Minister of National Defense Fikri Işık, Tuğrul Türkeş who welcomed Hulusi Akar when he went to the Çankaya Mansion, Zekai Aksakallı, Sadık Üstün, and Nihat Kökmen to be heard as witnesses, and for the raw versions of all camera recordings to be brought into the file.”

Upon these requests by Öztürk, his lawyer Dilara Yılmaz stated that they wanted the Court to make an interim decision regarding these requests so that a proper defense could be made, and that they would decide whether to continue the defense accordingly. When the court rejected this, Öztürk's other lawyer, Özlem Barıner, filed a motion for the recusal of the judge. While the defendants greeted this request with applause, the Presiding Judge asked if they were also rejecting the Prosecutor. Reminding them that they did not have the right to reject the Prosecutor, Atty. Barıner emphasized, citing the “immediate release and acquittal” decision given by the UN Human Rights Council Working Group on Arbitrary Detention regarding Öztürk, that the failure to hear Hulusi Akar in court in this case has caused and continues to cause great trouble.

The Prosecutor, whose opinion was asked on the motion, expressed his opinion that the motion for recusal should be rejected as it had no legal basis, and also requested that the defendants who spoke without being given the floor be removed from the courtroom. After the court rejected the motion for recusal, Akın Öztürk, who continued his defense, explained the following:

“After serving my country with loyalty for 46 years, just as I was preparing to retire, it is painful that I am being tried for treason with baseless and unfounded accusations. This is the heaviest punishment that can be given to me. I am the child of a teacher father who graduated from the Village Institutes. In my childhood and youth, I was raised as a lover of the republic in the light of Atatürk's principles and reforms. Given my upbringing, it is never possible for me to be at odds with democratic governance, to rent out my mind to enemies of democracy and institutions, and to attempt a coup. Let my noble nation, the commanders who raised me, and my fellow soldiers know well that I have nothing to do with this treacherous coup attempt. However, the volume of the case, the large number of defendants, and the still unexplained mysteries of the events that took place create some difficulties during the court process. To overcome all these difficulties, to reveal the material truth, and at the same time to eliminate all doubts in the case, I will share what I know, what I witnessed, and what I learned here today, stripped of my emotions, with all its nakedness and sincerity.”

HOW WAS THE PROBABLE LEADER OF THE COUP IDENTIFIED?

Stating that even though it was not clear who was who after the coup attempt, news containing public opinion formation and lynching campaigns began to be published in media outlets about him, Öztürk emphasized that this lynching started on the night of July 15 at 23:17, while he was still at his daughter's house in the lodgings, when MIT official, retired colonel, and Abidin Ünal's confidant Sadık Üstün called Lieutenant General Yılmaz Uyar from the 8th Corps Command and reported that “this is a FETÖ coup and the probable military leader is Akın Öztürk.”

Pointing out that 20 minutes after that conversation, Abidin Ünal called him and asked him to go to the Akıncı Air Base, Öztürk continued as follows:

“Yes, with the agreement of some, the phase of identifying the probable leader of the coup and promoting my name was thus started. The Anadolu Agency undertook the task of promoting it, and while I was still in the Akıncı region, in a way trying to save the captive generals, and afterwards, baseless broadcasts about me began on TV channels. It turns out that the planning regarding what would happen to me or what should happen to me had been put into practice about 10 hours ago. As I learned later, retired Lieutenant Colonel Murat Aydın, an advisor to Prime Minister Binali Yıldırım, also started researching where I was hour by hour from the morning of July 15 and called my residence non-commissioned officer. It means that while I was still at the camp, some people had decided to act on the necessity of adding a general to the head of the coup.”

Noting that the aforementioned baseless news continued after he was arrested, for example, it was stated that a criminal complaint was filed against him and former Minister of Interior İdris Naim Şahin regarding the killing of 34 villagers in Uludere by aerial bombardment, Akın Öztürk said, “I was serving as the İzmir Air Training Command with the rank of lieutenant general between 2011-2013. Not only did I not have any armed units under my command, but this event that occurred on December 28, 2011, was not in my area of duty and responsibility. I know who gave the order; but not now, I will tell it when the time comes. It is mentioned in the records. I also know who objected to that bombing from the Air Force Command.”

Stating that he was also associated with the death of the late leader of the BBP, Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu, Öztürk said that Yazıcıoğlu passed away in March 2009, and that the region where the helicopter crashed was not in his area of responsibility at that time, because he was appointed to the 2nd Air Force Command in August.

WHAT IS ABIDIN ÜNAL HIDING?

While reminding that he was included in the so-called Peace at Home Council upon the statement of a general who was arrested in İzmir and became a secret witness, saying, “Meetings were held in Ankara Çukurambar on July 7-8-9-10 before the coup attempt, in which Adil Öksüz and Akın Öztürk also participated,” whereas he was at a camp in İzmir on those dates, he emphasized the following:

“Retired commanders Cumhur Asparuk, Faruk Cömert, Eşref Uğur Yiğit, Mehmet Erten, and Camp Commander Uğur Uysal were also there. I asked for these names to be heard, but they were not heard. Also, Abidin Ünal was at the camp and gave two dinners with his wife. Why is Abidin Ünal, who is aware of the secret witness's statement, hiding that we were together on those dates, why is he concealing it? I am his fellow soldier. Has humanity died this much? Although, the secret power that gave this prompt to the secret witness later, realizing that this terrible slander would be revealed, made our witness make a correction saying, ‘Sorry, I confused Adil Öksüz with Akın Öztürk.’ But by then, my name had already been brought to the fore and perception management had succeeded.”

AKAR'S NECK WAS NOT RED

Stating that before July 15, 6 months before his retirement due to age, he submitted his retirement petition and was busy with the repair and renovation of the allocated residence, Öztürk made the following claims regarding what happened at the Akıncı Air Base:

“There is no difference between my first statement given under inhumane conditions of ill-treatment and my subsequent statements. But although Hulusi Akar, Yaşar Güler, and Abidin Ünal did not mention me in their first statements, they mentioned me later. Why didn't they show manliness? How could I have known that I would be accused of being a coup plotter as a result of not attending Mehmet Şanver's daughter's wedding? Moreover, there are many generals who attended the wedding and are still in prison. When Abidin Ünal called me that night and asked me to go to Akıncı, he said, 'Are they making flights against my will?' There is absolutely no such thing as 'Are they making a coup against your will?' Abidin Ünal is my 45-year friend, confidant, comrade, and brother; wouldn't I go? When I entered, Chief of General Staff Hulusi Akar, Kubilay Selçuk, Ömer Faruk Harmancık, whose name I learned later, and Hakan Evrim were sitting. When I asked the Chief of General Staff, 'Commander, what's going on? What is happening?', he said, 'They have done this, talk to them, convince them. They have attempted a coup,' and pointed to those there. I fully grasped the subject then and clearly heard the word coup from the commander's mouth. Mehmet Dişli and another army officer entered the room right behind me. I don't know who this army officer is, I haven't been able to see this person in the courtrooms until today. After this conversation, except for Mehmet Dişli, the others left. The Chief of General Staff, I, and Mehmet Dişli followed the events on television for a while longer. Meanwhile, the Chief of General Staff used the expressions, 'I was at Kenan Evren's funeral ceremony, I saw what happened. Can such a thing happen in this day and age? There were people in the government who would listen to reason, they could have been talked to. For example, Davutoğlu, Abdullah Gül,' and gave the instruction, 'Akın, go talk to those men and tell them to end this.' I went to the 143rd Fleet, where the coup plotters were allegedly located. I took Kubilay Selçuk and Ömer Faruk Harmancık out of the casino area, conveyed the Chief of General Staff's orders, and told them that what they were doing was wrong and that such things would not be accepted in this day and age. I did not receive any positive or negative reaction while talking; but just as I was about to leave, I heard an expression saying, 'If we had been supported, it wouldn't have been like this, we are determined.' When I returned, I saw the same people, but I couldn't see who said it. Can there be a headless coup? If it were me, I would come out and say it. I swear, there was no redness on Hulusi Akar's neck at Akıncı. There might be a scratch like a shaving cut on his cheek, but there was nothing on his neck. He says he was taken captive. Does someone who is taken captive give the instruction 'Bring my hat'? There is so much to say... Mehmet Dişli is the person Hulusi Akar has carried around like a bag for 17 years. It is said that I was mediating that night; no, everything I did was an persuasion activity. Hulusi Akar was not in a captive state in the base commander's room either. He could have left the room he was in whenever he wanted. He didn't make me an offer like, 'Akın, let's go together, let's convince them,' he constantly assigned me tasks. I still haven't been able to understand the reason for this behavior. Why did he give me the task of convincing the coup elements, even though he was free, able to leave the room he was in, and also had the authority of command? If he had any hesitation about me, why was my name added to the statement made by the General Staff on July 21? Did I make any statement or behavior to convince him that night? Who is the team trying to convince him; let them come and say it. What coup? He was standing like a statue in front of the men. The answers to these questions will clearly reveal my true situation in this event. But I was not given the opportunity to ask them. Instead of identifying the perpetrators of this uprising, the prosecutors were busy with the fact that I did not go to the wedding as a reason for the coup.”

YAŞAR GÜLER CRIED

Claiming that after the personnel at the 143rd Fleet, who were allegedly involved in the coup attempt, were convinced, Hulusi Akar told him, “Then let's go together and explain this to the Prime Minister,” but that afterwards, whatever he talked about with the Prime Minister, he wanted him to stay at Akıncı, Akın Öztürk continued as follows:

“After learning that the Deputy Chief of General Staff and some generals were also being held at the Akıncı Air Base, I toured the headquarters rooms. First, I found Yaşar Güler. I untied his bonds. With teary eyes, he said, 'Commander, I knew it, I was thinking that if you knew, you would come and save us.' When I had the room where Abidin Ünal was held opened, I saw that his hands and feet were not tied, and there was tea, water, glasses, and snacks on the table. Afterwards, we all moved to the Air Force Command headquarters together. Although I gave my car and my driver to Abidin Ünal, he later said, 'I came with the minibus the friends were in.' What was there to deny? He avoided telling the truth even on such a simple matter. At the exit of Akıncı, Yaşar Güler talked to the police. If he suspected me, why didn't he have them arrest me instead of changing his second statement months later? Why are the commanders of an army of 600 thousand people afraid and not coming to court? On the other hand, since it is claimed that the main element of the uprising is the Air Force, how will it be explained that the Air Force Commander, instead of going to Eskişehir in the fastest way to dissuade the power under his command from this business, was stalled to be supposedly taken captive? While there are questions that are not asked to the powerful who walked freely in the fleet with their hands in their pockets, hid in parking lots, and did not move from their place despite being able to move freely in the room they were in, and who are afraid to come and give a statement to avoid the truth, I am asked, 'Why didn't you oppose the coup plotters?' Abidin, Yaşar, Hulusi Pasha pinned the work on Akın Pasha, who had nothing under his command. However, a large part of the imprisoned generals are Abidin Ünal's Air Force Academy students. Similarly, approximately 20-25 percent of the officers and staff in the Land Forces are students of Hulusi Akar's period as both Land Forces Academy and Land War Academy Commander. In this case, should these commanders be called coup plotters? As for Yaşar Güler; oh you who do not fear God and are not ashamed of people. He is the one who cried and even said, 'What did I do to them? I met whatever they wanted until now.' Why is he hiding this and giving different statements? I thought a lot about what these sentences of Yaşar Güler meant. It turns out that everyone knew everyone, but no one touched anyone out of concern for their future. Many people perhaps knew what could happen and, by remaining passive, by following a wait-and-see policy, they allowed things to get out of hand. I was the only one who was unaware of the situation and could not take precautions and protect myself. The meaning of their silence is very simple; Akın Öztürk is being tried for a coup, I guess it is the fear of being under suspicion with a word I might say in his favor. But he, too, probably accidentally said something right. In his first statement, he stated that I said to the coup plotters, 'Are these people crazy? How can you do this against the state?' Whereas he was the person who was the most ardent defender of the 'Prostitution and Espionage' case as the truth, shouting in the corridors of the General Staff, 'I have thousands of pictures and films in my hand.' Where are those films and pictures now? I would have expected the commander at the head of our sacred military hearth, our army of 600 thousand people, to always, in every subject, without exception, speak only the truth with prudence. Airspace cannot be closed with such a verbal order. If Yaşar Güler had come here, I would have asked these; but he preferred to play hide and seek, or rather, he did not dare to come here. What could he be afraid of? Anyway, we mounted it on Akın Öztürk, hit the weak one. The coup attempt is real. It is also a fact that there are some powers behind it; but the necessary measures were not taken. To put it mildly, there is negligence of duty. This coup could have been prevented. Shame on those who could not show a reflex for 2.5 hours.”

WHO ARE THE HANDFUL OF PEOPLE WHO PLANNED AND KNEW ABOUT THE COUP?

Akın Öztürk explained the following regarding the issues of being given the duty of Deputy Chief of General Staff and the so-called Peace at Home Council Presidency according to the appointment list:

“I am a person who has served as Force Commander. The Deputy Presidency is a lower position and this appointment is contrary to military traditions. If I am the number 1 of the coup and the President of the Peace at Home Council, why would I deem this duty suitable for myself? Let's accept for a moment that this nonsensical philosophy is true; isn't it necessary to ask and investigate 'Who else is the first in this case?'”

Meanwhile, when Öztürk raised his voice from time to time and hit the podium, the Presiding Judge warned him, “Calm down for your health. And don't hit the podium. It's both not pleasant and don't get excited for your health.” Öztürk continued his words as follows:

“Moreover, under another document called the Martial Law Directive, it says Hulusi Akar-President of the Peace at Home Council. Since there is no signature, it naturally does not bind him. Well, while not even such a document can be presented about me, how does this claim of the prosecution bind me? Although it is seen that Hulusi Akar is considered or planned as the Council President, why am I here? Why are the others outside? Then, if I am the council president, shouldn't I know the action plan? Why should I ask Mehmet Partigöç? The coup plotters gather, make a decision in 20 minutes, and move the execution from 03:00 to around 20:30. As the so-called council president, I have no news, I am sitting at home in civilian holiday clothes. If you look at it from these aspects; am I the head or the tail of the coup, even this is not clear. Another issue; it is aimed to expose me to the hostility of the President with the note 'Insult to the Leader' next to my name in the profiling lists, which is certain not to be the statement of a military person. The changes between the first statements and the last statements of the commanders who know the truth of the coup and their hiding of some facts gave me this impression. If you want to learn the truth of the coup, I evaluate that it would be appropriate for you to identify and hear the people who prepared, presented, and were presented with these profiling lists. Even though it was known days in advance that the people involved in the FETÖ structure would be purged at the YAŞ meeting to be held 20 days after July 15 if the coup had not happened, how was I, Akın Öztürk, going to attend the YAŞ meeting as a terrorist organization leader? I am of the opinion that someone needs to give the answer to this question. Let alone organization leadership, there is not a single piece of information, record, or document about me even regarding organization membership. Mehmet Dişli enters Hulusi Akar's room and says, 'The troops have set off, they will be in Ankara.' While he should have jumped and his head should have touched the ceiling when Dişli said these things, he continues to sign, he waits for 1 hour. The number of those who planned this coup, whose political leg, internal-external leg is unclear, does not exceed the fingers of one hand. While it is clear and obvious that there are dark forces inside or outside behind the coup attempt, not investigating who these forces consist of and where they are from, who made this treacherous coup attempt using what methods, and holding hearings just for the sake of it is not enough to satisfy the public. This business cannot be closed only by punishing the existing defendants. If I am being accused with this indictment full of self-contradictory, mutually opposing, wholesale accusations, cut-copy-paste pages, and baseless evidence, and with the perception created in the public eye, it is because some people chose me as a scapegoat and a screen to hide themselves. They have dragged me into the event. In other words, 'May there be an eye to see behind the mountain, may there be a mind to know what will come to the head'. Unfortunately, I could not see and could not know. Imagine the power under my command during my time as Air Force Commander. Would a person who does not even think of making a coup, who submits his retirement petition 6 months before his retirement, who does not have the authority of command and control at the date of the crime, and who has a symbolic duty, attempt a coup with 12 planes and a few helicopters? I am not that retarded. I consider this an insult to myself. An event that 4-5 half-wits know about, and the planner does not exceed 10 people. If Abidin Ünal had said 'coup', am I crazy, would I go, would I throw myself into the fire? I was thinking that there is a reason why all three commanders say different things in their statements. I learned that the volume a person occupies in this universe is not as much as his rank, weight, or position, but as much as the size of his heart. The only witness regarding my guilt, innocence, and role in the uprising is Hulusi Akar. Hulusi Akar forgot that night. I want him to be heard in court. If it is inconvenient, you, him, and I sit down and talk.”

"ACID WAS POURED BETWEEN MY NAILS"

In the continuation of his defense, Akın Öztürk, who explained the torture and ill-treatment he claimed to have been subjected to while in custody, which he had previously passed over implicitly so that his family, especially his grandchildren, would not be affected, said that acid was poured between his nails, that he was only handcuffed with iron handcuffs, that his teeth were broken and his ear was torn as a result of the beatings he received, that he was threatened with death, and that young soldiers were set upon him, saying, “In that process, one of my eyes was on the door; I waited for Hulusi Akar, Abidin Ünal to come and say, 'Stop, what are you doing? He was with us.' It turns out that this is what manliness is.” Stating that despite the images, it was said that “There is no torture,” and that the Minister of Justice of the period, Bekir Bozdağ, also claimed that the wounds on his body were formed as a result of falling as a result of firing at the helicopter, Akın Öztürk showed the court committee the photos taken at his home just before he went to the Police Department.

"WE WERE TRAPPED IN PLAIN SIGHT"

Akın Öztürk concluded his two-day defense with these words:

“It is already impossible for a commander who has reached my position, a person with 40 years of experience and a little bit of vision, to approve this coup attempt, which was tried to be carried out with the number of soldiers corresponding to 1 percent, or at most 2 percent, of the TSK. I was not involved in any point of this intelligence-deficient coup move, I did not participate, I did not give orders, and I did not provide coordination. I am innocent. I am not a FETÖ member, I am not a coup plotter. I cannot be the number one of an action I did not participate in, and I am certainly not a traitor. Let those who hold power today and slander and have others slander know very well that no matter what they do, they will not be able to prevent my love for the flag, my love for the Republic, and my love for the nation. Enough is enough, an innocent person's life is being played with. 9 years, 20 years; it doesn't matter at all. I am speaking for my reputation, my honor. Let someone come out and say, 'You have been treated unfairly,' that is enough. For this reason, I have told the truth without hiding anything and without adding anything for justice, so that the right may find its place, for everything I have seen and experienced until today. That is, unlike others, I did not become a tool for this coup attempt trap set against our country; I did not fall into the concern for future, position, office, rank, and did not hide some facts. I call this heinous coup attempt a trap, because I believe that some personnel within the TSK were misled and used. The first goal was to neutralize and weaken the TSK. Until today, the most serious obstacle in front of external powers that want to descend from the north to the warm seas and have a share in the Middle East from the west was the Republic of Turkey and its Armed Forces. Thanks to this trap, when Balyoz and Ergenekon were included, very valuable personnel were purged from the TSK. Our glorious army is experiencing a shortage of trained personnel like never before in its history. Is there any voice for the 12 Miles? I said these would happen, that's why I'm here. In the end, external powers got what they wanted, and as a country, we were trapped in plain sight. I curse those military personnel who ignored this trap and did not tell the truth with expectations of office, position, and future, who even denied it, who betrayed the military oath they took, and those who trampled on human honor and dignity in the public eye with baseless news, and I do not forgive my rights.”

Finally, while expressing his gratitude to his first lawyer, Hicabi Durmuş, who is currently struggling with illness, Akın Öztürk asked for the forgiveness of protection non-commissioned officer Can Kaya and residence non-commissioned officer İsmail Keskin, who were sentenced to life imprisonment because they were with him just because they were on duty on July 15.

After Öztürk completed his defense, he showed a 9-minute video prepared about his life. In the video, the message was given that Öztürk was targeted because he opposed entering Syria, and that he prepared a resignation letter twice for this reason.

PREPARED AN INDICTMENT ABOUT AKAR

Interesting events also took place during the statements of Öztürk's lawyers.

When Atty. Özlem Barıner said to the Presiding Judge, who rejected her request to ask questions to two defendants, “It is clear that you are part of a setup,” she was warned by the Judge.

The Prosecutor once again requested that the defendants who spoke without permission be removed from the courtroom. While the Judge replied, “Leave the decision regarding the courtroom to me,” defendant Ali Yazıcı left the courtroom saying, “I am removing myself.” Mehmet Partigöç also reacted by saying, “The Prosecutor is giving instructions to the gendarmerie,” and left the courtroom. Meanwhile, it was heard that DEM deputy Ömer Faruk Gergerlioğlu, who was watching the hearing, shouted, “What kind of court is this? There is no fair trial.” As the arguments continued, the Presiding Judge adjourned the hearing, saying, “Let those who leave, leave, I will continue with those who remain.”

After the break, Atty. Barıner pointed out that in the opinion, it was said that “Akın Öztürk would be brought to the head if Hulusi Akar was not convinced,” and that Akar was also left under suspicion, and said the following:

“That is, there is also a possibility that Akar could be convinced. This conclusion is reached from the appointment list. Then Akın Öztürk should be in the second place, whereas he is in the 10th place. I prepared an additional indictment, the Prosecutor can also take it as a criminal complaint. It is much fuller than Akın Öztürk's actions, but this person is not deemed suitable for number 1, but Akın Öztürk is. Either both should be number 1 or Akın Öztürk should also be free. At the very beginning of the appointment list, his name appeared as YSK President. In the profiling lists, FETÖ/PDY connection is mentioned. While explaining that he was taken captive, he asks for his cap and leaves. Some defendants said, 'The Chief of General Staff is at the head of this business.' He sat in the room at Akıncı all night. Although he had news hours ago, he did not give any orders to prevent it. Akın Öztürk is a YAŞ member; he has an army under his command, no soldiers to command. Under his command, there are 4 armies and the Chief of General Staff. He is tried either for a coup or for negligence of duty, and it is combined with this case. And we ask our questions. If Akın Öztürk is made number 1 with this indictment, Hulusi Akar can also be brought to the same position with this indictment we prepared. Akar should at least be tried for misconduct. Abidin Ünal sent Akın Öztürk to the fire knowingly because he knew that he would not question his order even for a minute. To save the honor and dignity of Turkish law, please call Akar, Yaşar Güler.”

Atty. Barıner also noted that if the Court had allowed, she would have asked Mehmet Dişli and Hakan Evrim the questions, “Was Hulusi Akar or Akın Öztürk like a commander that night? Which one was giving orders, which one was receiving orders? Was there anyone who could object to Akar's orders?”

When Atty. Dilara Yılmaz presented a defense based on artificial intelligence, the Presiding Judge reacted with the words, “I want to listen to you, not artificial intelligence anymore. I request that you do not occupy me with artificial intelligence. We are already late.” As the arguments continued, the Judge said, “Why am I arguing with you?”, while Atty. Yılmaz criticized the non-consideration of the UN decision, stated that what needs to be done is to hear Hulusi Akar in line with the UN decision and a retrial, and asked for an explanation of why the UN decision was not implemented.

Rejecting all requests of Akın Öztürk and his lawyers, the Court adjourned the hearing to September 17.