Breaking News: Özgür Özel reveals Akın Gürlek's assets! He listed the deeds one by one

Republican People's Party (CHP) Chairman Özgür Özel, while the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB) case was ongoing, held a press conference at his party's headquarters.

 

Our Chairman Özgür Özel is holding a press conference at our Headquarters. https://t.co/aj6BeeiOIb

— CHP ???? (@herkesicinCHP) March 17, 2026

 

While it was expected that Özel would disclose the assets of Minister of Justice Akın Gürlek, SMS messages were sent to AKP deputies before the meeting, urging them to attend.

According to Özel's statement, Gürlek's assets are as follows:

REAL ESTATE OWNED BY AKIN GÜRLEK

İstanbul Kartal Esentepe, Avrupa Konutları (block 1661, parcel 551) 1 apartment — approximately 26 million 250 thousand liras

İstanbul Kartal Esentepe, 1 more apartment in the same block/parcel — approximately 26 million 250 thousand liras

İstanbul Beykoz Çavuşpaşa, villa with a pool in Mesa Ormanı — approximately 85 million liras

Avcılar Firuzköy, block 648, parcel 5, Isparta Kule Bizim Evler project — approximately 15 million 500 thousand liras

Tuzla Center, block 7579, parcel 1, Tuzla Marine City 2nd phase — approximately 10 million liras

Ankara Çankaya, block 26054, parcel 42, Park Joven complex — approximately 35 million 500 thousand liras

Ankara Lodumlu Beytepe, VIP Tower Beytepe — approximately 25 million liras

Ankara Çankaya Lodumlu Beytepe, Mahal Ankara — approximately 17 million 500 thousand liras

Ankara Çankaya Lodumlu Beytepe, Mira Residence — approximately 23 million liras

İzmir Konak Halkapınar, Mahal Bomonti 1st apartment — approximately 27 million liras

İzmir Konak Halkapınar, Mahal Bomonti 2nd apartment — approximately 27 million liras

Çanakkale Gelibolu Bayır Neighborhood, 500 square meter plot — approximately 7 million 500 thousand liras

PROPERTIES SOLD BY AKIN GÜRLEK

İstanbul Esenyurt Çınar Neighborhood, Liv Residence — 7 million 750 thousand liras

Halkalı Tema İstanbul Residences — 43 million 500 thousand liras

Üsküdar Altunizade, Acıbadem Residences — 47 million 500 thousand liras

Ankara Çankaya Beytepe — 27 million 750 thousand liras

The purchase attempt also mentioned by Özel: Apartment in the İstanbul Etiler, Senfoni Etiler project — approximately 95 million 542 thousand liras

Özel's statements are as follows:

"We are now before you to share this with our nation, both with its details and concrete evidence. Throughout the history of democracy in this country, we have seen many coups. Every coup against the national will has weakened our democracy.

It impoverished our people. However, some profited from these processes in the short term. They counted them as gains for themselves. But history has found not the coup plotters, but the victims of the coup to be in the right, and has vindicated them. In every coup, in every conspiracy, there have always been instruments and pawns. Afterwards, they were rewarded by the coup plotters in the short and medium term.

In the long run, they were condemned and ostracized in the conscience of the nation. Ultimately, the losers of these processes were our nation and our country. It was the image of our state abroad."

The story I will tell today is proof of how the weapon held during the May 27, March 12, and September 12 coups has now turned into a judicial gavel, and how robes—worn like documents over camouflage—show how a coup is carried out not with tanks and cannons, but with robes and gavels. The good side of this story began in November 2023.

When no one imagined it, when no one accounted for it, a party that had emerged from a major election defeat just a few months prior rose from where it had fallen, using its century-old practices, traditions, and founding codes.

It decided to fight. It engaged in self-criticism, and this self-criticism was appreciated by the nation. The nation turned and said, 'Let's see what the party founded by Atatürk will do now, even though it suffered a major defeat in the 100th year of the Republic,' and it gave them credit. It gave credit to change, to the youth, to women, and to young people of all ages. And as a result of this, in the first elections held just 4 months later...

A government that said, 'We never lose, we will not lose,' that boasted of its victories, that created a perception in the public that it would never be defeated, and that established an acceptance of this, was defeated for the first time.

47 years later, the founding party of the Republic, the 1st Party, was once again the 1st Party. On election night, 47 years later, TRT—which broadcasts with the taxes paid by the nation and the fees they pay, and which allocated 99 out of 100 hours before the election to the government and only one to the Republican People's Party—was faced with a big surprise, and 47 years later, the Republican People's Party was the 1st Party even on TRT screens. Because it was the 1st Party in the hearts of the nation.

"ERDOĞAN HAS NO STRENGTH LEFT"

That momentum, which Mr. Erdoğan described in a poignant and, from his perspective, unfortunate way when he went off-script from the teleprompter in recent weeks saying, 'You cannot stop this trend,' had already begun and would not stop. He had realized that he could not compete with us politically. It was easy to win, to win absolutely, to win with the power of the state, and to see one's opponent as doomed to lose, but this time he had no strength left to fight those who defeated him through normal means. He did not see any energy or feel any hope regarding this matter in himself, in the main staff of his party, or in the women's and youth branches. He also thought that the parliamentary group he formed in the Assembly was a group that knew very well that he was the one winning the elections, that they were just filling the seats and doing whatever he said, and that those who did otherwise were punished.

"WILL YOU BE ABLE TO DIGEST WHAT YOU HEAR?"

I am truly very curious today whether that group will be able to digest what they hear, and what the founders of the 22nd term group, who set out as the party's 'movement of the virtuous,' will do in the face of what they hear today.

That is why I specifically invited them to watch and follow this meeting. And Erdoğan, who does not trust any level of his own party, did something never seen before to interfere in politics: he established and appointed the AK Party Judicial Branches. For this, he needed a profile like Zekeriya Öz, whom he used years ago against the soldiers, intellectuals, and politicians of this country.

He did not have a hard time finding him. Because he did not make good decisions when he was a judge, he was moved from court to court, murdering justice. In other words, they blocked his professional advancement themselves because he lacked merit. If he had waited for a promotion based on merit, nothing would have happened. He took someone whose mind was set on politics—someone he had previously moved from court to court and used to murder justice—and brought him into politics.

His mind was also on politics. He had made him a deputy minister. This time, when he needed someone unhinged to act not as a judge but as a prosecutor—to make allegations, to collect evidence, and unfortunately, to create what did not exist and to force statements that were never given—there was no one else available.

He took him from that position, which he introduced to Turkey as a political post—his deputy ministership—and made him the Chief Public Prosecutor of Istanbul.

He made this appointment. Before the judicial branches were established, this nation was not satisfied with the justice system. It was being said that court cases were being decided in law offices located in plazas. The fees to be paid for court outcomes were spreading from mouth to mouth.

In other words, there were 'FETÖ stock markets' and such; some people were saying there is a FETÖ stock market, while others were saying, 'Oh my God, let's hope it's not true'...

"HE POSTED ON THE DAY ERDOĞAN SAID WE BURIED THE WHITE TOROS VEHICLES"

This time, gang formation spread to the very top of the judiciary. The AK Party handed over its entire existence and supply chain to a gang. Subsequently, the AK Party Judicial Branches turned into the 'White Toros' gang. Emboldened by their own actions, the members of this gang found the courage to show the white Toros vehicles—the symbol of unsolved murders in the 90s, known as death cars—to the opposition and dissidents.

They were so confident, reckless, and ruthless toward the opposition that they were even sharing photos of white Toros cars on the very day Erdoğan claimed we had buried the era of white Toros cars in history. This gang, born from the judicial branches of the AK Party, executed a coup plan step by step in accordance with the political instructions they received.

First, on October 30, they removed the elected Mayor of Esenyurt and appointed a trustee to Turkey's largest district, claiming there were ties to terrorism. Then came the Beşiktaş operations, and finally, on March 19, 2025, they subjected this country to a civilian coup.

Because a student, whom the state had invited with an advertisement 35 years ago and to whom it had awarded a diploma 31 years ago, was going to run for the Presidency, they denied the state itself, its seal, its document, and its signature just to cancel that diploma. They even risked stripping the diploma of a department chair of business administration at one of the country's most prestigious foundation universities—who was a peer of that student—and turning him into a high school graduate.

They wanted to stop a procedure applied to hundreds of thousands of people just because it was applied to one person. They wrote countless letters to the university. When that didn't work, they threatened them, forced deans to resign, and when they couldn't get the faculty whose job it is to issue diplomas to do this, they had the university's board of directors—whose actual duties include painting walls and planning shuttle bus routes—cancel the diploma during an iftar dinner hour.

At the same hours, a terrorism investigation was underway, and the next morning, at the time of suhoor, one file from the terrorism prosecutor, another from a bribery prosecutor, and another from a bid-rigging prosecutor were set in motion, coincidentally launching a major operation all by themselves. The university board that canceled the diploma the night before and those holding the strings of the Terrorism Court or the Corruption Court were the same puppeteers. That is why it was so synchronized. A system was established and maintained that was highly consistent in its timing, yet contrary to law, conscience, and fairness.

"TRT REFUTED ITSELF"

Slanderous claims, which are part of investigations under confidentiality and for which no proof can later be found, are simultaneously distributed to the pro-government press. Perception operations were whipped up from there. Every coup used to have a manifesto read out. The manifesto for this coup was also read on TRT. TRT claimed there was 560 billion in corruption. Now, TRT is broadcasting from there. They have a huge live broadcast vehicle. They are not doing a broadcast saying, 'The 560 billion corruption case has begun,' thereby refuting themselves. Because they cannot even claim 56 kuruş now, after the total budget of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality for 6 years doesn't even amount to that, and after most of the budget has already gone to paying salaries, running ferries, laying asphalt, distributing water, and providing services, TRT is no longer standing by its coup manifesto. It is clinging to other lies and other perception operations.

The Chief Prosecutor executing these operations graduated from Marmara Law in 2005. He served as a candidate judge first in İzmir and then in Edirne. In 2011, he was deemed worthy of promotion and became a judge in Kayseri. In 2014, he was appointed to Burdur, and then to Tekirdağ. In 2016, he began his duty as a judge in Istanbul. Akın Gürlek is a person of coincidences, not of those who hold the strings of puppets, but a person of walking together, of being assigned, and of fulfilling duties that would surprise no one. During his time in Tekirdağ, he became very close with an expert witness whose name none of us knew back then, but whom we would hear about 10 years later. His name is Satılmış, a very friendly person.

At that time, he was an expert in operations, blackmail, dismissals, and threats against DSP and DYP mayors. It turns out he was conducting pilot applications there. He was training with Mr. Akın. One makes a dummy run, the other passes the ball in front of him. They were working together.

Their paths crossed when Akın Gürlek came to Istanbul. The expert from Tekirdağ. Courts request experts from civil society organizations. They request them from professional organizations. They request them from public institutions. Names are provided. They are determined by rotation or lottery. Satılmış Büyükcanayakın settled in Istanbul. He took his place among the 8,000 experts. Whenever Akın Gürlek requested an expert, Satılmış Büyükcanayakın came up in the lottery. For example, a one-in-8,000 probability occurred 15 times in a row. An expert lottery was held 15 times, and Satılmış Büyükcanayakın was selected.

He is the person who was able to provide the basis for a file where other experts reported no crime and no public loss, yet he claimed that, for instance, Ahmet Özer's responsibility as mayor was being evaluated despite having no direct connection, leading to a request for a second arrest warrant against him.

He is the person who, when he came to other files through Mr. Akın's lottery, was able to provide statements and prepare documents suitable for him, even though other experts had said there was no case three times.

"THERE ARE CONDITIONS FOR FIRST CLASS"

Now, as we reach a certain point, we must sit crooked but speak straight. Many AK Party lawyers are watching this meeting. Or many people who sympathize with the AK Party are watching this meeting. We must sit crooked but speak straight. To be a Chief Public Prosecutor in a place. To be a presiding judge of a high criminal court in a place. For example, there are conditions for being appointed as a presiding judge of a high criminal court or a first-class judge.

The most important of these conditions is that the decisions previously made are not overturned. Especially that no rights violation decision is issued by the Constitutional Court or the ECHR. In this case, even if there is a negative decision, how much attention it attracts from various segments of society—that is, social cases—must also be followed carefully.

Those whose decisions are overturned or who issue decisions violating rights cannot be separated into the first class. He was separated. It is necessary to re-examine these criteria every 3 years. Look now at the performance of the judge and chief prosecutor who cannot be found despite being sought in Turkey. He gave a 4-year and 8-month sentence to Selahattin Demirtaş, and the injustice suffered by Selahattin Demirtaş in this process is also expressed by Mr. Devlet Bahçeli. The commission's work has also reached a certain point.

While there is talk about Mr. Demirtaş being freed and suffering injustice, it was he who sentenced Demirtaş to 4 years and 8 months before reaching those points.

The sentence he handed down was overturned first by the Constitutional Court and then by the ECHR. He sentenced Sırrı Süreyya Önder to 3.5 years. It was overturned by the Constitutional Court. He was released thanks to that. May God have mercy on Sırrı Süreyya. He told me: 'You don't know this Akın better than I do. I saw that he was about to give me 3.5 years for reading a letter at Newroz. I went to the podium,' he said. 'He looked at me,' he said. 'What happened? I told him, don't give me a sentence for this, give me double for something else. Why? Because this state won't find anyone else to read a letter at Newroz again. Don't do this to the state, don't do this to the nation,' I said.

He bowed his head and handed down the sentence, he said. The sentence was overturned by the Constitutional Court. Just as there is no one left who says that the prison time Sırrı Süreyya Önder served was correct and justified, Sırrı Süreyya Önder was invited to a similar duty again. Devlet Bey was caressing his picture at his funeral. AK Party members also pay respect to his memory. They couldn't stop praising him. But it was Akın Gürlek who gave the decision that kept him in prison. The Constitutional Court overturned it. When the Prosecutor's Office objected to the release of Selçuk Kozağlı and 20 lawyers, it was this court that accepted the objection. The person who gave the decision that the Supreme Court of Appeals overturned, which had sentenced Sözcü newspaper writers and executives to prison, was Akın Gürlek. He had his signature under all these decisions that the Supreme Court of Appeals partially overturned, which had sentenced our Istanbul Provincial Chair Canan Kaftancıoğlu to 9 years and 8 months. It was he who sentenced our deputy Enis Berberoğlu to 25 years. The Constitutional Court overturned it twice.

He resisted not complying. With that resistance, the Constitutional Court took decisions again and again, and Enis Berberoğlu regained his freedom. He regained his parliamentary seat. However, he always resisted not complying with these decisions. Even now, wherever a Constitutional Court decision is being resisted, Akın Gürlek is behind it.

If one of these had been overturned this much, they wouldn't keep you. For example, the decision he made in such social cases, the Sırrı Süreyya Önder decision, was overturned by the Constitutional Court with a 15-0 vote. Neither Deniz Baykal, nor Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, nor Özgür Özel appointed those Constitutional Court members. Think of a decision where all 15 members, all appointed by Mr. Gül and Mr. Erdoğan during the AK Party era, said there was a violation of rights.

Despite this decision, he continued to be promoted and moved from one place to another. The Deputy Ministry of Justice was a temporary resting place, a reward, and a place for encouragement for later. When Mr. Erdoğan needed the AK Party Judiciary branches, he did so against the law, because our law says that if a judge or prosecutor enters politics, they cannot return to that position.

There is no decision for leaving the post. There is no acceptance decision for returning to duty. There is nothing. They take them with one signature. They put them back with one signature. On October 2, 2024, he was appointed as the Chief Public Prosecutor to Istanbul under these conditions.

The only expectation was for him to carry out operations that would block the path of Ekrem İmamoğlu and the Republican People's Party's march to power. Justice, law, the peace of the nation, and prosperity were of no concern to anyone. The only promise to the parallel judiciary that was established was: you will be rewarded.

It became, 'How I protected you. I made you a deputy minister. From here on out, you will all be rewarded.'

Breaking down doors with battering rams at the crack of dawn. Pushing aside the woman who opens the door and taking her husband from the bedroom using procedures only applied to suicide bombers.

Playing with the dignity of mayors by bringing them in not by invitation, but with police and gendarmerie, lining them up like criminal organizations, placing drones overhead, and marching them up with two gendarmes on each arm while filming clips... Operations carried out in provinces where they have no jurisdiction. Telling the chief public prosecutors of Antalya, Adana, and Kayseri that they are nothing. The arrogance to say, 'I am more authorized than the President. I am even further than the special authorized ones. I am the ultimate Chief Prosecutor of Turkey. Even if it is not written in the Constitution, I exercise this authority.'

"FAMILIES WERE TARGETED"

Every illegality imaginable. Families were targeted; spouses and children were targeted. I am explaining this, I am telling it. When our Speaker of the Parliament explains these things and asks if this is possible, they tell me to 'cover it up so we can die.' I am explaining this to our Vice President at a mosque opening. Do such things exist?

For God's sake, look, I say. I tell our previous Vice President, I will explain these to the gentleman. He says Tayyip Bey cannot be aware of this. When I sat next to an AK Party deputy on a plane, I explained these for 52 minutes. From the moment the wheels left the ground until we landed, I explained these. Not one person defended them. That is why I sent a message to all of them today. Open it and watch. I begged. He asks the woman: 'Are there children?' 'Yes.' 'Is the husband not there?' 'No.' 'Who will look after them?' 'The mother.' 'How old is she?' '84.' 'Oh dear, oh dear. Well then, sign this and go take the child from your mother.' She says, 'How can I sign this, Özgür Bey? They say you gave all the tenders on the instructions of Ekrem İmamoğlu.'

'I came from the private sector. I did the best job, I made the most money for the institution. I made this much profit. Ekrem Bey did not interfere. How can I sign this?' Then he says, 'Have a good day.' He thinks he is going to Silivri.

"SIGN THE DOCUMENT AND DRINK FILTER COFFEE"

He goes to Düzce, where he is sleeping on the floor as the 42nd person in a 28-person ward. There is a shared toilet that needs cleaning. Because he is new, they always give him that task. Then the sound system is connected. They say, 'You like it a lot, shall I make you a filter coffee? Come on, sign this.' They bring it to Fatih Keleş four times. Where is my lawyer? We invited you for a chat. The Chief Prosecutor is there. What are you doing there? Three prosecutors are there. What are you all doing here?

I need one prosecutor and one lawyer. We invited you for a chat. Where is the safe? There is no safe. Where is the money? There is no such thing. They told these people that one judges others by oneself. They must have created a pool.

"LIKE MR. BİNALİ... IS THERE ANYONE WHO DOESN'T KNOW... DIDN'T HE CREATE A POOL AND BUY THESE PLACES?"

Like Mr. Binali. Friends, is there anyone who doesn't know, is there anyone in this hall who doesn't know? What does 'pool media' mean? When the SDIF was selling Sabah and similar media outlets in its possession...

Didn't Binali Bey create a pool from everyone who earned money from public tenders and buy these places? If he didn't, may God punish me. If I am the one denying it, may He punish me. Doesn't everyone in Turkey, from the reporters and cameramen working in those institutions to those at the very top, know what the pool media is?

"THE ALBAYRAKS HAD A 'SYSTEM'... THEY WOULD SAY IT WAS FOR JIHAD WHEN THEY RECEIVED THE MONEY"

There is a pool. During the Albayrak era at the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB), they called it a 'system'. I had never heard of such a thing as a system in my life.

I later learned that when Tayyip Bey was at the İBB, the Albayraks had established a system in the billboard advertising business.

They say those who don't pay don't get a share of the money. And they would say that money 'is not considered a bribe when taken for jihad' back then, just to ease their minds. It was money for the march to power. That is the essence of the indictment. Ekrem İmamoğlu and his friends set up a system. They wanted to take over the IMM first, then the party, and then the country to come to power. They set up a system for resources. Go find the work that Tayyip Bey describes as 'a person knows the job from himself' or Binali's work. I swear on my honor and dignity. One day it will come out. There is definitely a safe in the well in the garden of one of the AK Party executives' fathers. The madmen searched for it all summer. They had buried safes in some people's fields. They are digging it up with a bulldozer, the madmen are looking for it. They are taking their own safes from 30 years ago. Whoever wins Istanbul will win Turkey. They say, 'We did it that way, so since he won, he must have done it that way.'

That is why not a single penny can be found, no documents can be found. That is why a non-existent corruption is being signed off with a slander document against a woman. Now, we are coming to how those signatures were obtained and what money was involved. But let's see this first. If someone asked me what you have done until today. For example, what did we catch? We caught this, friends.

A person named Yener Toruner, who is imprisoned in the IMM case and who previously handled the financial affairs of a company that received tenders from the IMM and withdrew its money from the bank and made its payments, is in custody. A lawyer goes to this person and his son.

The lawyer says, 'Your father will sign this indictment, this confession.' Because they can't find the money, you see. 'I gave money. You will also give this much money, and your father will be released on Monday and Thursday.' The child cannot believe these words himself. He listens to these with his family. At that moment, to make him believe, he is also made to talk to the prosecutor on the phone. I am collecting the records, the details, the ins and outs of what the prosecutor said on the phone. I am taking them to the HSK (Council of Judges and Prosecutors) and saying that this lawyer offered a prisoner's family a deal of confession and slander in exchange for freedom plus money. Look, I am not saying which prisoner it is.

"IS THERE ANY GREATER PROOF THAN THIS?"

The operation carried out that night, I am not saying who the lawyer spoke to. The gendarmerie is looking for the person he spoke to in a highland house in Artvin. The child surrenders in Artvin the next day. He is brought to Istanbul. Meanwhile, the lawyer I named, that is, look, I am saying Mehmet Yıldırım. The prosecutor knows who Mehmet Yıldırım spoke to. Is there any greater proof than this? Have I said he spoke to Yener Toruner's son? I am saying Mehmet Yıldırım offered this to a prisoner's son.

He goes to Artvin to detain him. Then, when things get tight and the child gives his statement clearly, Mehmet Yıldırım turns off his phone. He borrows a car from a friend. He gets caught in a random gendarmerie search in Kepez, Antalya. Someone else's car, phone, IDs are missing. While he was on his way to flee to Greece.

This Mehmet Yıldırım came, they gave him house arrest. Currently, the house arrest has been lifted, friends. What is the justification for arrests? Isn't it the suspicion of flight? The Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor's Office said that the person was caught while fleeing to Greece. There was tension that day. He was fleeing, we caught him. They gave him house arrest, and then they released him from the house. This has been sitting in front of the HSK for months.

Murat Kapki, Mücahit Birinci, an AK Party executive and former MKYK member, and so on. It goes to Murat Kapki. They say, 'If you give us 2 million dollars, we will get you out of here.' Murat Kapki has provided a statement regarding this matter.

There is a camera, there is a document handed over on camera, and we have the testimony in our possession. Mücahit Birinci is being expelled by the AK Party and is being summoned in accordance with the Attorneys Act.

He goes, gives his testimony, and now he is walking around freely. I am not saying anything about Mücahit Birinci right now. Mücahit Birinci will be tried, and if he has a penalty, he will receive it. But how is it that a prosecutor who speaks with someone who offers money to others, saying, 'Give me this money and I will get you released,' and who has previously acted as an attorney for many informants, does not raise any curiosity? Why is no investigation opened?

Right now, Mr. Mücahit is walking around, and Mehmet Yıldırım is walking around. Where are the prosecutors? They either received promotions or became deputy ministers and the like. I am coming to that now.

They find a secret witness. They name him 'Meşe' (Oak). Based on Meşe's questions, Ekrem İmamoğlu and our colleagues are arrested, an indictment is issued, but Meşe is gone. Where is Meşe? Meşe has gone mad. So what did you do? Since Meşe's statements have been dropped, the detention should have been dropped. It is gone.

SECRET WITNESS STATEMENTS WERE COPY-PASTED

This time, İlke gave the same statement. They copied and pasted it. Including commas, semicolons, grammatical errors, and capitalization mistakes, they made İlke say exactly what Meşe said. Can there be a player substitution in testimony? If the witness is an actor, isn't this whole matter a script? But they remained silent on this too. There are a total of 5 applications before the HSK regarding this.

One sat empty and was not concluded. If they had said, 'We investigated four of them and found no crime,' it wouldn't hurt so much. If they investigated, the crime is obvious; if they said they couldn't find it, they would be incriminating themselves. With a simple decision, they said, 'No need for an investigation.' We didn't investigate. We didn't open the file. Now, a visual is coming. Of course, those who form gangs can commit such lawlessness. But not everyone does everything Akın Gürlek says. There are honorable, decent, honest judges who fear God and are afraid of acting on instructions.

For example, there was Ekrem İmamoğlu's Beylikdüzü case. It had been exactly 1,000 days. If the prosecutor had submitted their opinion, the case would be over; there is no crime. He tells the prosecutor, 'Submit your opinion.' He dodged it five times, every three months, he dodged, dodged, dodged. Finally, the judge said, 'Submit your opinion.' 'I cannot, I am not ready.' It has been 1,000 days. Then say why you are not submitting your opinion.

I cannot say, I am not ready. Then he said, 'Verdict: acquittal for Ekrem İmamoğlu.' You will see the journey of the judge who decided on Ekrem İmamoğlu's acquittal in number 3, while being exiled to Diyarbakır, friends. The judge of Ekrem İmamoğlu's Beylikdüzü case is number 3. The judge overseeing the diploma forgery case was exiled to Kahramanmaraş because he allowed Mayor Ekrem's detained lawyer to present a defense via SEGBİS.

This is the number one judge. You will see his transfer from Istanbul to Kahramanmaraş, friends. The judge who acquitted Mayor Ekrem in the case where he was accused of bid-rigging is the second judge exiled to Kahramanmaraş, number 2, friends. The judge who oversaw the 'fool' case was exiled to Samsun after resisting. The head and members of the panel overseeing the appellate stage of the 'fool' case were also exiled to other courts within Istanbul before a decision was even reached.

You will see the judge who went to Samsun in number 4, friends. They had the judge who requested an acquittal in the Akın Gürlek insult case reassigned to the Istanbul Labor Court. You will see it in number 5, friends.

The judge who was reassigned to the Labor Court above Istanbul, and who had issued a dissenting opinion in a 2-to-1 decision at the Istanbul 2nd Criminal Court of First Instance regarding the expert witness case, was sent to the 10th Criminal Court of First Instance, friends. From a High Criminal Court to a Criminal Court of First Instance. When the Istanbul Financial Crimes Branch Manager did not follow instructions, he was punished with a demotion and exiled from the Istanbul Financial Crimes Branch Directorate to Başakşehir as the District Police Chief. You will see our friend who was exiled as a District Police Chief in number 6, in number 6, as the judge who fell into the District Police Directorate during the IMM investigation.

The situation of those who did not decide as Akın Gürlek wanted in the 8 cases in this file, or who added a dissenting opinion to the decision, or who said things like 'I don't call by phone like that' when told to commit this cruelty at the crack of dawn, is clear, friends. Those who followed orders were sent away. Those who did not follow orders were rewarded. Let's move on to visual number 2. The person who committed all this lawlessness became the Minister of Justice. The person who said 'I am impartial' at 23:59 one day became the AK Party's minister with an appointment decision published in the Official Gazette at 00:00.

The next day, at the AK Party Provincial Chairs meeting, he said, 'I will continue to work for the success of our party,' friends. We must have lost our minds to act as if everything is normal while engaging in politics or journalism in a country where these things are discussed. His deputy in Istanbul, Can Tuncay, became a deputy minister.

His other deputy, Burak Ceyhan, became a deputy minister. Abdullah Aydoğdu, the husband of Judge Songül Özdemir Aydoğdu who arrested Mayor Ekrem, became a deputy minister. Furthermore, Mehmet Murat Çalık and Berna Tutka, who issued arrest warrants in the IMM conspiracy cases, came to Akın Gürlek's handover ceremony. Friends, this is a handover ceremony.

The AK Party Minister of Justice is conducting a handover to the new AK Party Minister of Justice. It is a political appointment. This individual is the spouse of the judge who arrested Ekrem İmamoğlu; Abdullah Aydoğdu was serving as the president of the 7th Administrative Court in Istanbul at that time.

At that moment, the deputy minister appointments were to be made a week later. He continued with the others for a week. The president of the 7th Administrative Court, the spouse of the judge who arrested Ekrem İmamoğlu, came to the handover. At the political handover ceremony. And this lady, Berna Tutkan, who made life miserable for Mehmet Murat Çalık—in every sense, both materially and spiritually, and who made all of Turkey weep.

She is a judge, and they are still judges, my friends. Those standing on the other side of the hall are the Chief Public Prosecutors in Istanbul from that day, who would later become deputy ministers. A task is ready for each of you in this gang. Look, there is a 4th deputy minister who is unrelated. Meaning, he was neither serving in the past nor was he a judge at that time. That is Sedat Ayyıldız, who worked as a lawyer at the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB) before 2019 and served in AK Party organizations...

Özgür Özel alleged that Akın Gürlek bought a yacht. He is the most innocent one. Because he was a lawyer in the past, he was an AK Party member, and he became a deputy minister. The rest all come from the bench. They feed off the bench decisions of their spouses, while they sit on another bench. While this handover is taking place, these are very much robed judges. The İBB case, this case falls to the 40th High Criminal Court, friends. You all know it, it is in front of all of you. Here, Kemal Bey, the president of the Parliamentary Correspondents Association, who reports from the Turkish Parliament, is here. The very valuable correspondent of A Haber is also here. Yıldız Hanım is also here. Each of you is here. For a year, this case—there are 2 cases. One, one, don't we say one to the 40th? Don't we say when it falls to Beşiktaş, it will fall to the 40th? There are 41 high criminal courts. There is a natural judge principle in Turkey. It should fall to one by chance. How does a 2.1% probability happen, friends? The prosecutor is known, the court it will fall to is known. The judge of the court is both a fellow townsman of Akın Bey and his deputy with whom he made all decisions in the past. They chose it, and it falls to that court with a 2% probability. But there is one judge in that court, and two assistants. What if a glitch occurs here, are we sure about them? We are not sure. Then they send 3 more people to this court. Two assistants come in place of two assistants. These are judges with 1 year and 10 months of experience. A panel is formed with Akın Bey's fellow townsman. The only duty of this panel is to look at the İBB case. As for the other two risky judges, a suitable president is assigned. He will look at the others in the 40th. That is, as if it wasn't enough that it fell by lottery, two new members come instead of two members who could be risky so that the place where it fell burns. They are two new members, 1 year and 10 months into their tenure, and are die-hard AKP members. So how will this work? These friends will distribute justice. Everyone who knows the business says that when it comes to past traditions for being a member of the Istanbul High Criminal Court, they do not accept seniority under 20 years. If anyone says otherwise, let them come forward and I will apologize. The total seniority of the bench is expected to reach 75 years. There is 10 years and 8 months of seniority on the bench, friends. The total of all three, that is. One of them already needs to have 10 years to be separated into the 1st class. They wrote 3/2 of the time spent as a lawyer after July 15. A president with 7 years of seniority, and two more presidents. Those are the ones who have been unable to run or manage the courts for 6 days, who are in shambles, who bump into each other like eggs, who don't know which way to walk, and who, when someone says 'boo,' say 'I quit, I'm not playing, let it be tomorrow' and tell the Bakırköy Chief Public Prosecutor to write a ban or something. There is no merit, no experience, no trust, no self-confidence, and no confidence to inspire in the other side. Now, when things are like this, what happens? Can you have this done by just anyone? By just anyone. Someone without any security, he ran now, I will tell you in a moment. Ministry, the only immunity is ministerial immunity, not parliamentary immunity. What is Tayyip Bey's rule? He makes all ministers parliamentary candidates. It is tied tightly so that if the government changes, there is no vacuum. If they remain in the opposition, these friends will be saved by parliamentary immunity. That is the calculation. I will explain the calculation in a moment. Since they were all together last term, except for one of the ministers of the last term, they could not benefit because there were not enough numbers as they were all MPs. They were stranded in parliament. The calculation is that they cannot be tried if we fall into opposition. Now, these rewards were not limited to career advancement. As is the subject of our meeting, there was an unexplained luxury life and enrichment. Those who gave a luxury Mercedes to Zekeriya Öz gave a car to this prosecutor for 40 days during the election campaign by a businessman in Avcılar, and those who kept the Mayor of Avcılar inside gave Akın Gürlek a vehicle allocated from the İBB throughout his tenure. He rode in a luxury vehicle for 540 days. They gave him a luxury villa overlooking the Bosphorus. While honorable and honest prosecutors and judges stay in modest, modest lodgings or pay rent, 62 million TL was spent just on the renovation of that luxury villa at today's exchange rate.

ALLEGED THAT GÜRLEK BOUGHT A YACHT

62 million TL. He toured the yacht he could not buy with his 87-year salary as if he were going to buy it. He bargained. There is a twin of that yacht in Luxembourg, it is currently docked at the port. It was not bought from Turkey. It was bought from the Netherlands and is docked at a port in Luxembourg. As the Republican People's Party, every time we said there is evidence and proof of the injustices committed in investigations, the threats made to those who are lawless, and the İBB stock market illicit gains, no inspector came from the HSK to ask. We sent 5 files, no one opened the cover. So what happened today, friends? The head of that HSK became Akın Gürlek. Now, because the head of the place that should hold them accountable became the Minister of Justice, it became Akın Gürlek.

GÜRLEK'S TITLE DEEDS

Now, I am no longer entrusting these things to the HSK, to Erdoğan, or to anyone else, but perhaps one by one to the conscience of AK Party people, AK Party politicians, and to my nation before history. 1st visual. When I say one, the 1st visual in the title deeds. Friends, the ID number here is open to all of you.

When you enter this ID number into any land registry office in Turkey, any municipality, or any place with inquiry capabilities, you are presented with the 'identity card' of the real estate, including its purchase and sale history. Which block, which parcel is it? How much was it bought for? What was done? Where is it located? Our first title deed, our first title deed—all of these were identifiable by their ID numbers shortly before Akın Gürlek became a minister, and all of them, as I will mention shortly, are title deed records that can be tracked using this ID number. We open the curtain with İstanbul Kartaltepe, Kartal Esentepe. An apartment in the Avrupa Konutları project, block 1661, parcel 551. ID number 125 616 129, the average value of a comparable residence is 26,250,000 TL. By 'average,' I mean this: when you enter this site, there are those selling for 20 million and those for 30 million. We add them all up and divide by the number of listings. The average is 26,250,000 TL. It could be 22 million, it could be 28 million.

The average of its peers. Some sell cheap because they are in a financial bind. Some sell at a high price. The average is 26,250,000. Second title deed. A second apartment in the same block and parcel. This time, it is followed by title deed number 125 615 706. The same, 26,250,000 TL. If I only went this far, the minister would be forced to resign. The total of the two is 52,500,000 TL. Even if Akın Gürlek saved every penny of the salaries he earned throughout his life, and even if we calculated it not at the money of that day but at today's value, the salary he received as a Chief Public Prosecutor for 19 years is not enough to buy these two apartments.

First title deed. A villa in İstanbul Beykoz Çavuşpaşa Mesa Orman. Dedeoğlu location, parcel number 10, map section 3; it has a pool, it is inside the forest, the ID number is there. The average value is 85,000,000 TL.

Title deed 4. Avcılar Firuzköy, block 648, parcel 5, Isparta Kule Bizim Evler project. Average price 15,500,000 TL. Title deed 5. Title deed 5. Tuzla Center, block 7579, parcel 1, Tuzla Marine City 2nd stage address. The ID number is above. The average value of comparable residences in the 1st stage is 10,000,000 TL.

Title deed 6. We are leaving Istanbul. Ankara Çankaya. Block 26,054, parcel 42, a house in the Park Joven site. It is marketed as having a 360-degree view of Ankara.

Its value is 35,500,000 TL. Title deed 7. Lodumlu—this is a well-known matter in Ankara—they were saying, 'Are you going to mention Lodumlu, brother?' Lodumlu Beytepe Neighborhood, VIP Tower Beytepe Project, block 28,958, parcel 1. Average residence value 25,000,000 TL. Title deed 8. Çankaya Lodumlu Beytepe Mahal Ankara, block 29,000, parcel 3. Purchased from Mahal Ankara for 17,500,000 TL.

Title deed 9. Çankaya Lodumlu Beytepe Mira Residence, block 28,559, parcel 1. Average value 23,000,000 TL. Title deed 10. İzmir Konak Halkapınar, block 8,500, parcel 1. Again, Mahal. Mahal Bomonti. The previous one was Ankara Mahal, this is İzmir Mahal Bomonti.

Apartment value 27,000,000 TL. Title deed, pardon, yes. Another one of the same. Title deeds 10 and 11. One in Mahal in İzmir Konak for 27,000,000 TL. 11, another apartment from the same project. Its value is also 27,000,000 TL. 12th title deed. As if 11 real estate deeds in 3 major cities were not enough, a plot of land with a sea view. In Çanakkale Gelibolu, Bayır Neighborhood, Değirmenaltı location, block 329, parcel 6, a 500 m² plot with a unique sea and strait view. Acquisition cost 7,500 TL. A priceless piece of land.

First, let's see them all. These are the title deeds on hand, friends. Let's continue. Since these issues started being discussed, if there are any others that have surfaced since he became minister, you will include them here as well. I will come to a total summary in a moment.

HE ALSO DISCLOSED THE PROPERTIES HE SOLD

The ID number of the sold property is here. When you enter this, you can see that Akın Gürlek sold his apartment in Istanbul, Esenyurt, Çınar Neighborhood, Liv Residence, block 285, parcel 7 for 7,750,000 TL; the 2nd sold property with this ID number, the residence in Tema İstanbul in Halkalı, for 43,500,000 TL; the 3rd sold property, another residence in Acıbadem Residences in Üsküdar Altunizade, for 47,500,000 TL; and the 4th sold property, another real estate in Ankara Çankaya Beytepe, block number 29,357, for 27,750,000 TL. Let's see all four of them. These are the ones sold. Let's come to the total summary. Friends, there are 12 properties on hand. The value is 325,000,000 TL on average.

There are 4 sold residences. Their value is 126,000,000 TL. There is a total of 452,000,000 TL worth of real estate or real estate converted into cash. Even if there isn't a single penny in the account, the total value of the real estate and the sold real estate is 452,000,000 TL. If he had saved all his salaries for 19 years as the Chief Public Prosecutor of Istanbul, taking the highest salary in Turkey, without buying a single loaf of bread, without paying for a single kilowatt-hour of electricity, without buying a single bottle of water, his total salary would be 45,000,000 TL, while his total income is 452,000,000 TL. He has bought more real estate in 19 years than he could have earned in 190 years with his salary. In other words, if 10 judges and prosecutors worked for 19 years and pooled all their money, they would only just be able to buy all of these at once. It's not over. The activism continues. Housing activism. Senfoni Etiler, with a view of the Bosphorus, a magnificent place. The sale price is 95,542,000 TL. The buyer's name and surname is Akın Gürlek, his Turkish ID number, and everything related to this; as soon as the sales contract was seized and action was taken regarding this, they stopped this purchase.

However, in the official records of Emlak Konut, the pre-sale price, who it will be sold to, and even which apartment it is are clear, and it was initialed by him; this stopped. This transaction stopped because we went after these matters. Perhaps the 125,000,000 TL on hand was going to be tied up here. It is unknown. But there is such an issue with the 95,000,000 TL Senfoni Etiler property as well.

These are needy questions. There is no inheritance left from a retired father. How was this wealth built solely as real estate with a civil servant's salary? Where is the income obtained from the sales? Where were the payments obtained withdrawn from? To whom were they given? There are properties bought against promissory notes like the house in Mesa. Where were these promissory notes issued? Through whom were the houses found? A promissory note was given. Where was the money for that note paid from? According to the law, a minister had to declare his assets within one month. Which of these are in the asset declaration that should have been submitted to the state last Thursday? Now, let me say things that will be the answers to the questions we asked. First, we did not mention any title deed record in the name of Akın Bey's wife here. You know our sensitivity regarding the issue of not dealing with the family or the spouse. A name like Mehmet Türkoğlu, a name like Osman Dündar Çiftçi, a name like Hayrettin Koç. These are the intermediaries, the bagmen, the ones who prepare the documents, the ones who receive the power of attorney, the buyers, and the sellers of all these transactions. If there is anyone in this state who can do something about this, these are the real estate properties held by these people. I am continuing. Selim Bozkurt is currently the Deputy Head of Department at RTÜK today. He is in an official position. No one sees him at RTÜK. Akın Bey requested it. His past training as a deputy head of department is suitable for that. He is collecting his salary. If there is anyone at RTÜK who knows him, go find him and do an interview, friends. Let him invite you immediately and have tea in his office. Ask the tea server. Let some brave soul look at the assets of retired police officer Selim Bozkurt, who is a deputy head of department at RTÜK. Let some brave soul find the IDs that will be entered into the title deed system for the person who is a retired police officer, a department head at RTÜK, and never sets foot there. What has he bought and sold? All the names and their continuations regarding the relationships and conversations with the relatives of the detainees and lawyers in the law offices in Ankara and Istanbul. Now, Devlet Bey says, 'Mr. Özgür, Mr. Akın was a prosecutor in the past, you couldn't ask him questions. Let your deputies ask questions and he will answer.' I am following Mr. Bahçeli's advice and saying this: Mr. Akın, hold a press conference. For example, I regularly submit asset declarations. My wife's and mine—we transferred one last year, my wife's. We had two pharmacies. One worked for 28 years, one for 26 years. One was 30 m², 35 m², one was 80-90 m², 100 m² on a side street. We acquired one shop each on a side street. We have a house in Manisa. We have a house in Ankara. There is a house in Istanbul. There are also two modest cars. All the money used to buy these has come from my Bağkur payments deposited into Halk Vakıf Bank since September 1999, my SSK payments deposited into Halk Bank, and whatever money came into my İş Bank account, which I keep as a joint account and is coded as 'Pharmacy'. Whatever I bought, I paid for from these accounts. Now, the accounts where your salary is deposited are clear.

It is clear what money came into those accounts. It is clear what money was paid from there. As a politician, you must appear before this nation and explain how you acquired each of your assets. All of the ones in Istanbul have ID numbers. The ones in Ankara have block and parcel numbers, everything. When you enter the ID number, it comes out. They are all there, one by one. You have to prove them one by one. What are you going to prove? Isn't it a shame for all the honest, hardworking, upright judges and prosecutors who do not look at what others have with envy and think of nothing but justice? Oh Erdoğan, this is the man you brought to the head of the HSK to which they are attached. Isn't it a shame? What is supposed to happen? A guarantee has been given. Are the things they do even done in a normal state of law? Can you make any judge or prosecutor do this? You saw those who didn't, scattered across Anatolia like a brood of chicks. What will happen now? Do you know what happened? What happened? The strongest, the strongest partnership, a criminal partnership. 'You do it, we will protect you.' Those whose names are mentioned the most have either become deputy ministers or they have come to the places that became vacant in Istanbul. Akın Bey became a minister. A Nevşehir deputy with an election, there is immunity. They will not be touched. From not complying with the Constitutional Court's decision to everything else, everything. Like all coup attempts, you are trying to prevent a party from coming to power in this country, they gave them F16s and they are trying to prevent it. They are trying to bring down the government. You drove a tank over it or you hit it with the gavel in your hand. It is a blatant coup attempt. A coup attempt is a crime against the Constitution according to the Turkish Penal Code. According to Article 14 of the Constitution, it is not within the scope of immunity. I am saying this clearly from here: I became a minister, I will become a deputy. If Akın Öztürk were a deputy or a fugitive FETÖ member involved in a coup were a deputy, would he be able to serve as a deputy? A man who participated in a coup. He opposed it by suspending the constitutional order. Which immunity are you relying on? Which one? You have attempted a coup. I am addressing the AK Party and MHP members who have a conscience. I am addressing the civil servants, tradesmen, and workers who work with honor, build modest and perhaps poor lives, and vote for the AK Party and MHP. Is this your order? You cannot be part of the AK Party's dark order. You must separate yourselves from them. Some are building wealth on the backs of the nation. Some go and seize companies, take their assets, and send lawyers from behind. 'If you write this, Ekrem İmamoğlu's criminal organization asked this of me. Sign it and get your assets back.' Not all of them. A portion will stay on this side. All of these and more, the ones on the police officers, the ones on the 3 bagmen, and more, and more, and more. Why is all of this being done? Tayyip Bey gave an instruction. 'Go and stop them. Don't let them come to power.' Is this bravery? Is this manliness? Is this a struggle? The name of today's press conference is 'The Small Radish'. Who doesn't know the 'Big Radish'? Didn't he say it himself? That the 'Big Radish' is coming. You know one radish, you know the big one, we also know the small one. This nation also knows the 'Big Radish'. By God, when you look around, if you asked an uncle passing by on the street, he would point to you and say, 'The radish field is there.'

You have a field there. To those who cannot prove a single penny from the 'Big Radish', here is your indictment. Neither to Tayyip Bey nor to today's judicial order. After the nation makes the right assignment in the first elections to be held, to the Constitutional Court, to the Supreme Court. I said all summer, 'These are lies.' I said, 'Let that indictment come out, you will not be judging, you will be judged.' I said, 'I am waiting for this indictment not to judge, but to be judged.' Which of those you talked about on TGRT all summer can you put in front of us now? Which one? When those who explained it on your screen were asked, they said, 'I was mistaken, I was misled.' People sometimes tell lies. Which of the things said by those who appeared to be CHP members all summer, who were connected by salary and made to slander, came true? Where is the 560,000,000 TL? Where is that 1,200 mobile phone of the woman who went on a strange 3-letter channel and lied and wandered everywhere, friends? Where, where? They said 2.5 million Euros came out from under the parquet in the room where our friends sat in the IMM and it was recorded. Where is the record? Where is it in the indictment? It was talked about all summer. Where are Ekrem İmamoğlu's luxury vehicles?

Where is the money found in the safes? Where is the money buried in wells? None of it exists. We do not possess any assets that we cannot account for. If asked, his lawyer will provide the answer, and our friends will provide the answer. If anyone has committed a crime, they will be held accountable, but the situation is clear. When Ekrem İmamoğlu entered politics, he was someone who became poorer throughout his political career. Because his previous jobs were not like this public service; they were jobs that brought in much more income. He was earning far above his salary. If you have found that he has enriched himself since the day he entered politics, then you bring it forward. I have brought forward those who enriched themselves through civil service. I have brought forward those who enriched themselves through the prosecutor's office and the judiciary. I have brought forward the visible part of the iceberg. I have brought forward the part that, even if it remained in my name without being transferred to someone else, would be considered reasonable. From now on, this corrupt order of the AK Party in Turkey, this established system... They try to call for a 'purification' from the CHP by having some former district head, who has distanced themselves from the party due to profanity and other issues, tweet something or appear on news programs. A huge organization stands together as a whole, without a single small piece breaking off, and we stand tall against the world's greatest slander. If you are going to purify, first purify the Ministry of Justice. Go ahead, purify it. You will see how a structure composed of... completely disappears as it is embezzled. Then, no one should engage in character assassination against anyone else. I am saying this from now on. Yes, I am saying it clearly here. After these things are seen today, those friends who talk on that plane... those who say 'this does not suit us,' those who say 'if there is proof, I swear I will not stay in this party for a minute.'

Either you speak up, or you will share this shame. Once the ground is pulled from under your feet, this business cannot be resolved with displays of honesty, arrogance, or self-criticism after duties have ended. You must speak today. Come face me and show me something like this. I can also prove that Ekrem İmamoğlu has become poorer during his tenure. I provide my asset declaration to Numan Bey's office every year. I will grant permission to MASAK (Financial Crimes Investigation Board) within the framework of the law, with my special permission if necessary, without hiding behind immunity; they already have my asset declaration in their hands. I will even give them my bank account number and password so they don't have to struggle. There is no off-the-books money we have received. There is no off-the-books money we have given. I challenge you. Either you do politics like us, or you do not smear honest people.

The journalism profession in Turkey is facing a historical threshold, friends. Will these questions be asked to these men or not? It is up to you to ask. Those who don't answer, don't answer. Let your question go down in history as a question left unanswered. I have no words for those who can ask, even at the risk of being thrown from one place to another, and can extend their recorders.

But we will all live in this country together. We will engage in politics, serve, and raise children in the future of this country. Those who remain silent today should not bring wedding invitations or anything else when the tide turns tomorrow. When I said last year on March 19th that we would not see those who did not see this square, I saw those who tried to intervene from 50 different places, saying 'actually we are like you, but our family is this or that.' Today, while reporting this once again, I will see if that lady goes to the editing desk and bites her nails or not. The structure called TGRT. There is a message within itself, a message. What happened to this character generator (KJ) criticism? It wrote 'hike.' The woman is reacting to the word 'hike,' right? Instead of talking about the Epstein documents where they exist, they went and made someone say there is corruption where there isn't, and they are throwing a tantrum. They are giving orders via WhatsApp, saying 'I don't want to see anything criticizing the government on the KJ, right?' Come on, speak up. Come on, face us. We have risked death. Not just resisting like this or that. We have risked death. If there is anyone who has risked as much as we have, let them face us. Anyone with as much courage as us, as much self-confidence as us, as much trust in their friend as us. Let someone come out and say, 'I trust my boss, whoever it is, as much as I trust my honor.' I trust Mayor Ekrem as much as I trust my honor. Let someone from the old or new staff of TGRT come out and say, 'I trust him as much as I trust my honor.' That is why there is a limit to this character assassination. Everyone, but everyone, will look here first. Then they will look at what will happen to Turkey's future. We are completing a year of a process full of slander from the ground to the sky. Last year, while I was at iftar with martyrs' families, the diploma was canceled. We have been running since that day. I am at iftar with martyrs' families again tomorrow. My forehead is clear, my head is held high, I will look into their eyes. In the evening, I will get on top of the bus. The next day, I will start the first day of the second year of the struggle. Let this be a trouble for Erdoğan, Akın Gürlek, and those who dream of a future with them. That is all I have to say, friends.

(Question regarding whether CHP deputies will be restricted in the IMM case) There is no such thing, friends. There is no limit, no lock, no barrier for a member of parliament. Today, in the morning, regarding the chaos yesterday and so on... I gave instructions to the friends. The hearing will be attended, we will enter. If not, I will go to the hearing after the holiday. We will remind them once again how a member of parliament enters and leaves a hearing.

Our Speaker of the Parliament has also contributed to the solution of this problem. We thank him. A similar thing happened last week. But there is something like this: I mean, there are those who are afraid of a live broadcast and those who are not. Let the nation appreciate it. Can someone who wants a live broadcast have anything to hide? Why is the one who is afraid of a live broadcast afraid? We are the side that wants a live broadcast. The AK Party is the side that does not want a live broadcast. The MHP is the side that wants it but cannot vote for it.

(Response to questions about the deadline he gave to Gürlek and the source of these records) I gave the one-week deadline to Akın Gürlek. I did not give it to myself. I need to plan when and how I will make the statement myself. We gave that one-week deadline. The asset declaration period is one month. Since it was February 11th, we said March 11th. February has 28 days. Because of the 30-day debate in a month, it became February 13th, so it must have been last Thursday. It was also March 13th. Here, and since there is no group in the Parliament, it would be a bit difficult to make this statement in the group now. I mean, 16 things, digital support is needed. It would be difficult to make this statement in the Parliament with this clarity. It was difficult to explain it to you like this. We wanted to do this at the most appropriate time and place, in a way that I could share all the information and documents you want with this clarity at a press conference.

When it is said that information came from the AK Party, I am already the one saying it. Friends, go give it to your own party, why are you giving it to me? I don't need the AK Party to obtain this information. Our own resources and our own reputation allow us to obtain this information. Accessing information in the land registry does not take that long. But what saddens and bothers me is this: We have been fighting for a year. Let alone flinching, we don't shy away from anything. Then we set a deadline, and the week has passed. Is it something else? Was there blackmail or something? What blackmail, friends? The man who will blackmail us has not been born yet. We have seen what blackmail is. I saw the blackmail, you saw the answer to the blackmail on April 6th. I saw the blackmail, you saw the answer to the blackmail on September 21st. We saw the blackmail, you saw the answer to the blackmail at the end of November. There is a party here that grows and strengthens against blackmail and fights together. Oh, they say he is threatening from abroad. Well, let him try to threaten from abroad. Go ahead, it's free to try. It's free to try, I challenge you. If the Republican People's Party were to surrender to threats, blackmail, or whatever, we wouldn't have given so many martyrs; we would have surrendered to the occupying armies.

There is a difference between the attitude of those who laid out the red carpet for the occupying armies and the attitude of those who say 'they will go as they came.' We fight, we resist. Furthermore, everyone should be careful against certain disinformation-based personal posts that are constantly fed by some FETÖ-affiliated accounts abroad, which excite, upset, or worry opposition figures just to get a couple more clicks.

You say you will make a statement, the Republican People's Party says something. I give you a deadline. If you are going to disclose it, disclose it; if you are not going to disclose it, then don't. Oh, did something happen? Was there a deal or something? How could I not disclose it if someone else is going to disclose it anyway? That part of the matter is truly absurd. But let no one be fooled by the lies and exaggerations of certain FETÖ-affiliated accounts that supposedly hate the government but also hate us because we did not allow a coup and did not carry water for their boat, and who think that because we are at the head of the CHP, the environment would be unfavorable for them even if the government changed.

(Questions regarding whether you have information on how these assets were acquired and who the 'big radish' is if Gürlek is the 'small radish')

Now, first of all, the income I know about Akın Gürlek is the income he received while he was a judge and prosecutor. That income is clear, and the assets and property he acquired are clear. He will be the one to explain this. We say this is not right, but I also say this: Just as journalism is a profession of suspicion, politics also involves raising certain suspicions. While you were the Chief Public Prosecutor of Istanbul, in an investigation you were conducting, there are confessions—two of which I personally identified and had caught, and dozens of which we heard and which are slowly spilling out in court—especially regarding businessmen, where some lawyers allegedly did this work in exchange for a signature and a certain amount of money, and some law firms acted as intermediaries. If there is energy or money emerging there, did a portion of that money manifest itself in these assets?

These need to be explained. Otherwise, he will tell me, 'I paid 98 million here. This is the source.' Let me see that source. Such a source cannot be shown or proven. If it exists, he will lay it out. If he states his wife's salary, that would be a total of 25-30 million liras as salaries received throughout their lives, which might cover one apartment, but then one must also look at his wife's title deed records. Go ahead, sir. It's you. It's here. Are you giving me the microphone? Is it going live? Ha ha. Well, it's like this.

From whom did you first hear the phrase 'the big radish'? I heard it from Mr. Erdoğan too. The big radish is clear, and the small radish is 1.50.

(Questions regarding the expectation from the government about Gürlek, given that the process cannot be operated in Parliament due to the Presidential government system, and whether there has been any activity in Gürlek's assets since it was said that a statement would be made on February 17th)

Now, that is a very pertinent reminder. As someone who also follows the Parliament, this reminder is truly valuable. In the past, that is, under the parliamentary system, instead of holding this press conference, I would have already submitted a motion for a parliamentary inquiry. Then, or one of our colleagues would have submitted it. It would have been mandatorily placed on the agenda within 10 days. We would have taken the podium, Akın Gürlek would have been sitting there. All the deputies would have been sitting here. We would have stated our allegations. He would have defended himself. And the deputies would have voted. If a simple majority said stay, he would have stayed; if they said go, he would have been removed from the ministry. Erdoğan took this right away from the nation. Thinking about these days. If I reach a point where the government cannot be maintained through normal channels, let there be no parliamentary inquiry, no oral questions, no minister falling, no government leaving. Let us sit in our seats firmly for 5 years, and let us try every way to stay in power. Intermediate oversight mechanisms, the simplest being oral questions, and one of the most assertive being the parliamentary inquiry. By the way, for example, in the past, with 60 deputies, with 55 deputies, one-tenth, you could submit a proposal for the investigation of a minister due to the work they did. Then this proposal would be evaluated, and if 183 deputies accepted it, a commission would be established. Then, if more than half said yes, it would go to the Supreme Council. Now, to propose this, you need 301 deputies, for the commission you need 363 deputies, and for the Supreme Council, you need 400 deputies. In other words, a system has been established so that we can steal, plunder, and not be held accountable. There is a calculation to not even go before the Constitutional Court that we ourselves elected. And what else, a movement in one month. Well, this. Recently, or rather, there is always some movement. He sold four of them, tried to buy one, etc., but there might be things he sold in the last month, that is, after we said this; we need to see the money in his bank account. There might be things he bought; we need to see the deed. For that, he needs to come out and answer all questions at a press conference. But there is a need for a press conference where Halk TV will also be invited, where Ankara can enter, where Evrensel will be present, and where Bir Gün can ask free questions.

So, they cannot cook up or save these matters with TGRT or MGRT. Also, let me say this, regarding the bank, based on the work this Akın Gürlek has done. I am also warning him about this issue. Since he moved to the Ministry of Justice, there have been character assassination reports at the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor's Office, was that kid's name Furkan? How were they doing it? Now, three reports, many of you have received them, friends. In Bolu, well, collecting more money than the scholarships given, a report, he sends it to the press members. The Ministry of Justice is writing sensational news. No, they are making a report that plays with the morality of our friends, and they are sending it. Finally, another nonsensical press release about something else, but there is no letterhead on it. Whose letterhead is it? It is clear it is Mr. Akın. How is it clear from whom? It is clear from Furkan. Who is Furkan? A center of crime.

(You mentioned a yacht outside of this asset in Luxembourg. Is this a yacht registered to Akın Gürlek or the family? Do you have any findings? Also, does it have a monetary value? Can you provide information on this?)

We know the monetary value of the yacht in Turkey. It is equivalent to 86 years of salary at that time. I do not think it is in his own name. I know that the yacht was also looked at here and bought by someone there, but this needs proof. That is why we did not put the deed or anything like that. But it is said that the yacht, which was looked at with a buyer's eye here, was bought from Luxembourg and is registered to someone around the Netherlands. The day I prove this, we will share it. Go ahead, you raised your hand first in the back.

(Question about whether it is a political debate or a legal debate) It is not possible for me to initiate a legal process here. Because since he is currently a minister, 400 deputies are needed for a legal process to begin. The place where he will be tried is clear, but when the day comes, we will certainly take our steps there, but we need to be in power. Until today, I have applied to the HSK for a legal process to be initiated. The HSK did not initiate the legal process. That is why we are saying this politically. We are entrusting it to the nation's memory, we are presenting this as an indictment for a future trial, but apart from this, that is, if someone goes and sees this, and a conscience is stirred in the AK Party, saying 'we cannot carry this, what does this mean', and based on that, the AK Party, I don't know, well, it wouldn't happen, but in a parallel universe, 'oh, we didn't know these, let's investigate', they explain it, and when they cannot explain it, they dismiss him, send him to court, etc., that is a separate issue. But right now, we are telling our nation. The prosecutor, the judge, and the decision-maker of this case will be the nation. Then the case will be heard again on the other side.

DETAILS COMING...