Journalist and author Hikmet Çiçek has passed away: The answer to the question 'When does a person die?' is 'when there is no one left to remember their name'

We are publishing an interview with 12punto contributor Dr. Şenol Çarık regarding his book 'Revolutionary Portraits'.

-On the 50th anniversary (in 2018) of the '68 movement, in which you also took part, 'Revolutionary Portraits' was published by Kırmızı Kedi.

Could you describe the preparation process of the book?

When Kırmızı Kedi Publishing suggested a '68 book half a century later, I said 'yes' immediately. I started writing right away; I was already prepared. I can say that I wrote it with pleasure.

How would you describe being a '68er?

A '68er is a socialist generation that stands against imperialism, especially American imperialism, and embraces the revolutionary legacy of our national war of independence.

What were the characteristics, desires, and dreams of the youth of the 1960s? What distinguished them from other generations?

The youngest of the representatives of this generation were killed at 21, and the 'oldest' at 27. Taylan Özgür was killed at 21. Hüseyin İnan was executed at 23. İbrahim Kaypakkaya was 24 when he lost his life under torture. Mahir Çayan was murdered at 27. I am not even counting those who spent decades in prison. Our biggest dream was revolution. We were filled with the enthusiasm of revolution. We were in such a romantic fervor that we likened the Beşparmak Mountains of Söke to the Sierra Maestra where Che fought!

The atmosphere of freedom brought by May 27 had paved the way for the socialist movement. With the translation of scientific socialist works, socialism began to reach broad masses; the Workers' Party of Turkey (TİP) was founded in 1961, followed by the Teachers' Union of Turkey (TÖS), and the Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions of Turkey (DİSK) in 1967. The first nucleus of the Federation of Idea Clubs (FKF), the mass organization of university youth, was born in these years. The FKF would become a mass movement within the great student movements of 1968 and would take the name Federation of Revolutionary Youth of Turkey (DEV-GENÇ) in 1969.

What were your priorities in selecting the portraits and the people who provided narratives about them?

I tried to reach the friends who knew Deniz, Mahir, İbo, and the others closely. There were those I couldn't reach, and there were those I reached but received a 'no' from! Of course, '68 is not limited to the portraits included in the book. You can see this as a selection. Another friend might highlight different names. But no matter who writes it and how, Deniz comes first.

What is the thing or things in the '68 movement that you wish hadn't happened or that you consider wrong?

The '68 movement has two phases. The first is the period of mass actions carried out together with workers, peasants, and broad segments of the public, and the other is the period starting from the 70s when armed actions began. Could you touch upon this a bit?

Dr. Hikmet Kıvılcımlı constantly warned about the mistakes in the youth's line of action in his Dev-Genç seminars and his articles in the newspaper 'Sosyalist'. Why were these warnings not heeded?

I would like to combine the answers to these questions.

The years marked by the '68 generation are one of the most important turning points in the history of the Turkish socialist movement. With the 1951 arrests, heavy blows had been dealt to the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP), and every opportunity for the legal organization of the working class had been eliminated.

Except for the short-lived Vatan Party experience of Dr. Hikmet Kıvılcımlı, whom we remember with respect and love, the socialist movement had experienced a 10-year period without a party.

There was no party to pass on the socialist accumulation and experience of the past to the young generation. The young revolutionary of the '68 generation had to rediscover everything.

I once defended the idea that “'68 is one thing, the '71 actions are another,” but I don't anymore. The inevitable result of '68 is the '71 actions.

Because there was no revolutionary party. The end of party-less revolutionism is '71.

As a '68er, how do you evaluate the Gezi protests that took place in 2013?

'68 lasted for a few years, the Gezi protests lasted for a few months. Both carried the mass movement to its peak. We are faced with the same problem: the lack of a revolutionary party to lead those masses, to embrace them, and to direct them toward correct actions and goals.

What is the most important legacy left from '68 to today?

The answer to the question 'When does a person die?' is 'when there is no one left to remember their name.' If we are talking about '68 half a century later, if books are being written about it, it means it hasn't died yet! Its most important legacy is anti-imperialism and the defense of independence. It is the longing for a 'fully independent and truly democratic Turkey.'

Finally, what would you like to state?

I remember all my comrades from that generation, especially Deniz Gezmiş, who gave their lives and were martyred for independence, revolution, and socialism, with respect, love, and longing...