Murat Kapki’s petition revealed: ‘I gave certain statements to protect my family’

The petition in which Murat Kapki, a 'confessor' in the İBB case, requested his release has been revealed. In his petition, Kapki stated, 'I gave certain statements so that the prosecutors would understand that I was not a member of the organization and to protect my family. In this statement, I said things similar to the statements reflected in the press by Servet Yıldırım, who testified before me and was released, and also by Eyüp Subaşı.'

Kapki's petition requesting his release has emerged. The petition included the following statements:

"I have been operating in the outdoor advertising sector for more than 20 years, primarily in Istanbul and various other provinces of Turkey. I am one of the businesspeople with the most experience and recognition in outdoor advertising in Istanbul. In addition, I have investments in the field of radio broadcasting. I have also engaged in real estate and vehicle trading at various times. I am a 20% partner in BVA Reklam ve Danışmanlık Hizmetleri AŞ, the company that won the sub-tenders mentioned in the 61st, 62nd, and 63rd actions, which are the subject of this indictment." 

This partnership of mine is essentially the share that belongs to me in return for my experience and expertise in advertising. I have always worked with the İBB throughout my commercial life. In other words, my relationship with the İBB regarding the leasing of advertising space has been ongoing since long before Ekrem İmamoğlu was elected. This is already the case for all medium and large-scale firms operating in the outdoor advertising sector. I am a businessperson; I am not concerned with issues such as who the mayor is or which party they belong to. 

I do business with everyone. - In the main tenders held by the municipality, Kültür AŞ won the tender. Later, Kültür AŞ conducted the sub-leasing tenders using the invitation method. We also won the tenders by submitting bids for them. Likewise, there were tenders we entered and could not win. We also participated in tenders held by other municipalities. There were ones we won and ones we lost. In other words, BVA does not have a commercial activity consisting solely of winning tenders from Kültür AŞ. It has participated in many tenders. Everything in these tender processes was done in accordance with the law. Furthermore, I do not have an active role on behalf of the company in the tender participation processes. My role in the company relates to sales and marketing, that is, the company's activities after winning the tender. 

Ahmet Köksal handled the work during the tender participation processes because he is a lawyer. 

I have had a partnership with Ahmet Köksal and Hüseyin Köksal. Hüseyin is my friend of 20-30 years and a family friend. Hüseyin normally deals with the textile business. However, saying that there is no longer the same profitability in the textile sector, he began looking to turn toward new sectors. He had also spoken to me during this time. In a meeting with Hüseyin in 2020, he told me that he wanted to turn to the advertising and media field and that he was thinking of entering this business with his cousin Ahmet. I told him that I had a newly established company and that he could be a partner in this company if he wanted. This company is BVA.

Hüseyin and Ahmet would provide the initial financing for the company, and I would contribute my experience in the advertising field. This was actually logical for me as well, because I wanted to turn my advertising activities, which were fragmented, scattered, and conducted through me, into a corporate structure and carry out the work in a professional manner. We became partners in this way. After completing the company's establishment and structuring processes, we started entering tenders. 

We followed and submitted bids for tenders not only from Kültür AŞ, but also from district municipalities, the General Directorate of Highways, TCDD, AYEDAŞ, and many other institutions. Just as we were about to win the TCDD tender, TCDD canceled it and gave it to another company through a leasing method. The General Directorate of Highways did not even open a tender announcement. In the AYEDAŞ electricity pole tender, we submitted the highest bid, but AYEDAŞ did not give the tender to us, claiming we had missing documents, and gave it to Oktay TAN's company. In the same years, we won the Zeytinburnu Municipality's Giantboard tender. 

We submitted a bid for the Çekmeköy Municipality's advertising tender but did not win. We entered the electricity pole advertising tender opened by Başkent Elektrik in Ankara but did not win. We entered the tender for the advertising spaces on the tram line of the Kayseri Municipality; the tender was an open auction. The tender price started at 14 million TL, and we went up to 34 million, but a company from Kayseri won the tender for 36 million. Even though we did not win the tender, the Kayseri Metropolitan Municipality earned a lot of money thanks to us. 

In other words, the claim that we were a company established solely to receive tenders from the İBB or to participate in tenders held by the İBB and automatically win them is not true. The assessment that we obtained all of our income through İBB or Kültür AŞ tenders is not correct. 

TENDER BIDDING PROCESSES

Regarding the finding of these tenders, we have a tender unit in the company that reports to the general manager. They follow tender announcements, and even if they have not yet been announced, they closely follow municipalities where it is discussed in the municipal council that advertising activities will be put out to tender. When a tender announcement appears, our general manager presents the tender to me. Thanks to my experience and expertise in the advertising field, I calculate whether the tender will be profitable and approximately how much the advertising spaces subject to the tender can be sold for. Then, I have our general manager calculate how much money will be earned from this business with a 50-60% occupancy rate within the framework I have stated. If it makes sense, we enter the tender. 

We also determine the tender price in this way. My most well-known feature in outdoor advertising is predicting how much a place will be rented or sold for. I owe this to many years of experience. This is also the main factor in Ahmet and Hüseyin partnering with me. Initially, Ahmet was the company's partner. Since Ahmet was a lawyer, he would handle the paperwork for the tenders. I would sign if I needed to. Hüseyin was to join as a partner after establishing the operations in his textile companies. In fact, there were small arguments between us when this process took a long time. Because I didn't get along very well with Ahmet. Ultimately, Hüseyin joined the partnership in May 2024.

We won the tenders in 2020 and 2023. We have not had any illegal activities regarding these tenders. I was already renting advertising spaces belonging to the İBB before 2019. In fact, during the period when the 2019 İBB mayoral election was canceled, Ali Yerlikaya was acting as the İBB mayor at that time. At that time, I had rented the advertising spaces at the Kadıköy Pier of the city lines affiliated with the İBB through SMO Reklam ve Danışmanlık Hizmetleri AŞ, of which I was the authorized person. There was not even a tender for this lease. The date these advertising spaces were given to me is 20.06.2019. That is 3-4 days before the repeat election for the İBB mayoralty. Later, when Ekrem İmamoğlu won the İBB again, rumors spread, referring to the AK Party era, that they had distributed the advertising spaces to their own people 3-4 days before the election. Ultimately, when Ekrem İmamoğlu's team started operating at the İBB, they terminated the contract for the Kadıköy Pier advertising space I held. In other words, I was already getting work from the Municipality before İmamoğlu. In fact, after İmamoğlu arrived, the work I was doing was canceled. If there were such an organization and I were a member of this organization, would they take away the thing I was making money from?

REGARDING THE ORGANIZATION ACCUSATION:

The indictment alleges that I am a member of the organization and that Murat Ongun is my manager. First of all, Murat Ongun and I do not like each other. In all this time, we have had no conversations or meetings other than saying hello once or twice and calling each other for formal holiday greetings.

As a result of the narrowing of HTS and base station records, it will be clear that we have not even come together.

Furthermore, in the transcripts asked of me during the police phase, it is clear from the content of a phone conversation I had with the son of a former AK Party provincial chairman that I always had a very bad relationship with Murat Ongun. This transcript was not included in the indictment. In fact, this is evidence in my favor. The fact that Murat Ongun, who is alleged to be in the same organization as me and even my manager, and I do not speak to each other is the greatest proof that we are not an organization.

Additionally, what is described in the indictment as the purpose of the organization is for Ekrem İmamoğlu to win the CHP and the municipality, and from there to win the presidency. This is a political goal. But my political stance has nothing to do with this goal.

Everyone in this market knows that I am not a CHP member. Issues such as me receiving a plaque from the president and having dinner together have been brought to the agenda by certain journalists in the past.

Furthermore, I have no acquaintance or history of meeting with Ekrem İmamoğlu. I have seen İmamoğlu twice in my life. One was an iftar dinner given by the municipality to its affiliates. It was an event for about a thousand people. I shook hands with Mr. Ekrem there. We were also in the same environment once at a funeral, but we did not greet each other. Other than that, I have never met him anywhere under any circumstances.

There are some secret witnesses, witnesses, complainants, and suspects who have given statements against me in the indictment. It is claimed that I met with other defendants and Ekrem İmamoğlu 2-3 days a week at the Beylikdüzü Mado, and that everyone brought money there in bags. I have never been to the Beylikdüzü Mado in my life. In fact, I have never been anywhere in Beylikdüzü other than Hüseyin's company. I have been to the company at most 1-2 times. During these visits, I did not meet with anyone other than Hüseyin. My HTS-base station records also show that I did not go to Beylikdüzü.

My company's headquarters is in the FERKO plaza in Gayrettepe. My daily life consists of shuttling between my home in Acarkent and Ferko. If the narrowed base station records are brought, the accuracy of what I said will be verified. It is possible and normal for me to have given a signal with other individuals within 1 km and 300 meters of Ferko. However, these signals do not mean that we came together. I go to Akmerkez and Zorlu to eat. Even if my signals in those places are matched with my bank POS transactions, it will be understood how many times and for what purpose I went to these places. Because I only go to these places to eat.

The other statements made against me are entirely abstract and baseless accusations regarding irrelevant and unrelated matters. Topics such as my purchasing paintings, buying watches, collecting model cars, or collecting figurines—in other words, my hobbies—have been used in the press to create a perception as if I were involved in illegal activities.

Most of those who gave statements against me have made various slanders directed at me in order to save their own skins. None of them have any connection to the truth. Furthermore, there is no evidence regarding this matter.

MY DECLARATIONS REGARDING THE ALLEGATIONS AGAINST ME

The allegations against me have been constructed as if I had earned no income until 2020 and suddenly became wealthy after 2020. The profit share I received as a result of the tender is clear. There is no disproportion between my 20-year commercial history and the assets I possess. I bought my first house in Acarkent in 2014. In 2020, even before I had received any tenders, I bought a duplex villa in Acarkent. Two separate houses from the Akasya Mall project were also purchased before 2020. Some of these are in the name of my brother Serhat, and some are in the name of my mother, Güler Kapki. None of these were reflected in the MASAK report.

Allegations such as that I was carrying bags full of cash or that I evaded taxes with fake invoices are products of imagination and distortion. I have certainly made cash transfers, especially in vehicle and real estate purchases or in personal debt/receivable relationships. However, I do not accept this being described as the transport of illegal money. Ahmet Çiçek's statement on this matter is suspicious. He claimed that he saw and identified me at the hotel where the camera taping footage took place. The narrative is as follows: I supposedly converted the money I earned from the tender into cash using fake invoices. I then took this cash to the hotel in a bag. As a result of this narrative, Ahmet Çiçek was released. During my interrogation, the prosecution told me that they had determined the person at the hotel was me, and that even my close friends had confirmed it. The hotel in question is the one served up as the location of the camera taping footage.

However, it has emerged that the person mentioned at the hotel was not me. They tried to pass off Mehmet Ali Çalışkan as me. I have never been to that hotel in my life. I have never gone to this hotel in my life. But because of Ahmet Çiçek's statement, a perception was created as if I had gone to the hotel and brought money with me. For one year, I have been subjected to character assassination with these and similar allegations.

Ahmet Çiçek's allegations are not related to my company named BVA, which received tenders from Kültür AŞ. There is not a single fake invoice, misleading invoice, or any irregularity in BVA. There is no such finding, either.

If one pays attention, none of those who gave statements about me say anything regarding the tender I received from the İBB or the activities of the company named BVA. All statements are related to other commercial activities that have nothing to do with the İBB. There are no criminal accusations in those either. There are only statements such as 'Murat used to buy paintings with money,' 'Murat used to keep money in a safe,' 'Murat used to use money to buy a yacht,' 'Murat used to use money to buy watches.' Well, are these crimes? What do these have to do with the İBB, the tender, or Ekrem İmamoğlu? They used my personal expenses and hobbies to create a perception. I am someone known and recognized, especially in the sports community, for being a Fenerbahçe fan. I participate in sports programs on television and social media. For this reason, I have been targeted since March 19. They are portraying me as much wealthier and more powerful than I am, so that I appear as a businessman protected by İmamoğlu.

Allegedly, I received money from the municipality as a result of a tender, and with this money, I went and bought a house from İmamoğlu Construction. Allegedly, there is a MASAK report regarding this. First of all, I do not receive money from the municipality. I pay money to Kültür AŞ. Secondly, I did not buy a house from İmamoğlu Construction.

In the press release issued by the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor's Office on the morning of March 19, my name was also mentioned, stating, 'They paid bribes by buying houses from İmamoğlu Construction with the first money they received from the tenders.'

Since I was arrested, I have been trying to explain to the prosecutor's office that we did not receive money from Kültür AŞ, but on the contrary, we paid money to Kültür AŞ.

But since certain journalists in particular have been making these false allegations on television every day, those who wanted to be released fabricated such things about me, accused me, and earned their release. I was declared a scapegoat. Now, since the indictment was written, no news about me has appeared. Because it has been revealed that the perception created about me for a year consists of lies.

For example, Murat Abbas; in his statement just before his release, he says that he received instructions from Murat Ongun to give the advertising spaces at the Kadıköy and Karaköy piers to Murat Kapki. In fact, the situation is the exact opposite. These places were already with me, and after Ekrem İmamoğlu took office, they were taken away from me. The contracts were terminated. When I took over the operation of these advertising spaces, the Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor was Ali Yerlikaya.

As for the companies that are claimed to be mine and claimed to be managed by me, the truth is whatever the records in the trade registry gazette say. After I went inside, some of my former employees, some of my former business partners, and acquaintances tried to seize my assets and property. There are people I hear are conducting the activities of not only my own companies but also companies that were once mine and that I later transferred, through their own companies. These people forced my former employees to testify against me and formed a queue at the door of the prosecutor's office. By slandering me and keeping me inside, they are trying to seize other companies that have been placed under precautionary measures or had trustees appointed by the prosecutor's office, or to take over their businesses.

The claim that I smuggled money abroad is also untrue. It is a house purchase transaction for which a contract exists. In any case, when a large amount of money is sent abroad, the bank asks you for documents for the MASAK notification. We had already submitted this contract to the Vakıfbank Finanskent Branch at that time. I also submitted the same contract to the prosecutor's office. This contract is a document that is impossible to forge later. Because a copy of it exists at the Vakıfbank Finanskent Branch.

My conscience is clear. I know that I have committed no crime and am not a member of an organization. I have no doubt that your court will understand this as well.

MY STATEMENTS REGARDING MY DETENTION PROCESS

I was arrested on March 23, 2025, on allegations of bribery and membership in an organization.

After I entered prison, my long-standing cervical disc herniation ruptured. A doctor's report was issued stating that I needed surgery. However, surgery and subsequent physical therapy were not possible under prison conditions. My illness is an advanced-stage hernia, and doctors have stated that there is a possibility of paralysis if I do not undergo surgery.

During this process, I have been using very heavy prescription painkillers. All reports and prescriptions for these are available in the prison.

I wrote a petition to the prosecutor's office to respond to the allegations against me and to explain my medical condition, stating that I wanted to have a meeting.

Subsequently, the prosecutor's office replied to me, saying, 'Specify the subjects you want to give a statement on.' Realizing that they would not call me unless I said I wanted to give a statement, I submitted a petition stating that I wished to do so. I wanted to explain my illness and respond to the allegations against me. I thought that by doing this, I could secure my release.

However, on June 24, while I was being taken to the prosecutor's office, I learned that my wife had also been detained. I thought about the situation of our children if my wife were also to be arrested. Furthermore, my brother, Serhat Kapki, had already been arrested.

When I entered the prosecutor's office, I had a one-on-one conversation with the prosecutor for about an hour. During this conversation, I became certain that I would not be released unless I accepted certain accusations and provided new statements regarding the case. I gave certain statements so that the prosecutors would understand that I was not a member of an organization and to protect my family.

In this statement, I said things similar to the statements that had appeared in the press by Servet Yıldırım, who had testified before me and was released, as well as by Eyüp Subaşı.

Later, I went to give testimony 3 more times. Each time I went, a meeting was held first with the prosecutor, and then the testimony was written down once my lawyers arrived.

Each time I went, I essentially wanted to respond to the allegations against me. However, during my second visit, the prosecutor claimed that I had gone on vacation on a boat with Murat Ongun, Hüseyin Köksal, and Emrah Bağdatlı. I stated that this did not happen and that I was not on that vacation. As I remained in prison and did not provide statements in the manner the prosecutor's office wanted, the allegations against me increased.

I explained that I was not on such a boat, but an impression was created as if I were a member of an organization and that we were taking a boat vacation together as members of the organization. I said that I was not on the boat and that they could find out who was on the boat from the yacht charter company. I even listed the people Hüseyin went on the boat vacation with.

When my statement on this matter leaked to the press, Emrah Bağdatlı tweeted posts targeting me. I thought he was on the boat too. It turns out he wasn't. In fact, during my third visit, I identified who was on the boat and explained it to the prosecutor so that it would be confirmed that I did not take part in this vacation.

My visit was essentially intended to explain the immoral offer made to me by Mücahit Birinci. And I did explain it. I told the prosecutors that Mücahit Birinci had come to me and told me to make the slanders regarding the issues detailed in the complaint petition I wrote to the prosecutor's office, and that if I paid 2 million dollars, I could be released.

I didn't just talk about the Mücahit Birinci matter; I also explained what I experienced with İsmail Kaan and Osman Kaan.

The person named İsmail Kaan is the person to whom I transferred my real estate in January. He is my former friend. He spoke to me, saying, "Transfer your assets to me, they can't do anything to me; if they do, I know a lot of things about them too." This scope includes not only the real estate in the MASAK report but also a property that was directly registered in İsmail Kaan's name and then sold to someone else while I was in custody. This property was sold for 5,750,000 dollars. 1,750,000 dollars of this is still with İsmail Kaan, and he is not giving it to me. 10-15 days before I was taken into custody, İsmail and his father came to my office in Feriköy and said that I could be removed from this case. But on the same day, a seizure order was placed on my assets. İsmail gained my trust in this way and took my assets into his name. He said he could get me out of this file. He said that he was the best person to explain that I actually had no closeness to Ekrem İmamoğlu or the CHP. He sent lawyers to me, saying he had held various meetings for this purpose.

I explained this to the prosecutors as well. I requested that the $1,750,000 be seized. But they did not do such a thing. Even İsmail Kaan's statement was not taken. My lawyer, to whom I transferred real estate in exchange for legal fees, is a defendant in the file; my old friend Serkan, to whom I transferred one of my properties due to a debt-credit relationship between us, is a defendant in the file; but İsmail Kaan, to whom I transferred 8 of my properties and who even took one of my properties directly in his name and sold it through himself, is not a defendant.

In fact, İsmail and his father are not even giving me my money, saying, 'We spent much more to get İsmail out of the file.'

While all my assets were under seizure and I was under arrest, I wanted to go to the prosecutor's office and give a statement because I could not stomach these people, whom I trusted, seizing my money and property, and I thought I could handle this matter if I got out.

However, although I explained everything in detail regarding this matter, these issues were not written into my statement. I was told, 'We can write it if you want,' but since I thought I would be released every time, I agreed to them not being written down. There are many other issues outside the scope of the case regarding İsmail Kaan, but I am not going into these matters at this stage so as not to dilute the issue. I will explain all the details in the coming stages if necessary.

Even though I reported İsmail to the prosecutor's office for seizing my property and money while I was in a situation where I couldn't even find my child's school fees, nothing was done about it. On the contrary, the prosecutors used expressions to me like, 'You are very low on the list in the file, you are not even in the organization, just tell us and get out.' Upon this, I did not object to Mücahit and İsmail Kaan not being written in my statement. I gave my 3rd statement with the hope that I would be released after giving it. There, the prosecutor asked me questions like, 'There are allegations about this matter, do you know about them?' and I answered all of them by saying, 'Yes, it could be, I had heard of it too.' I thought I would be released shortly after; I trusted the prosecutors.

However, when I was not released, if one looks closely, the day after my 3rd statement, during the detention review I connected to via SEGBİS, I said in my statement, 'Lawyers are coming here saying they will get you released in exchange for money. I gave a statement to the prosecutor's office about this yesterday.' But if examined, this statement of mine regarding Mücahit Birinci is not included in the prosecutor's office documents. This situation confirms what I have described regarding the statement process.

In the ongoing process, I went to give a statement once more. This time I gave a statement without a lawyer. The issue written in my statement is an explanation of my son's health condition and medical report. However, it was primarily a conversation themed around, 'You said you would release me, I stood by the prosecutor's office.'

Throughout all these statement processes, I acted in harmony with the investigating prosecutors because they promised they would release me, and most of all, to prevent my wife and family from being arrested. But at the point reached, I am both accused of being a member of an organization and I am facing years of imprisonment for many separate crimes.

Furthermore, the statements taken from me are being used against me. All of these statements were given as a result of the psychological pressure created by my imprisonment, my serious illness, and the fear that something might happen to my family members, as well as the trust I placed in the prosecutors' promises of release.

During this process, I was even told, 'Actually, you shouldn't be held here for even a day.' I was told, 'We initially saw you in very high places, but we realized that you were not involved in these matters.' But all of this was just to get certain statements out of me.

If one looks at the petitions I sent to the prosecutor's office from prison and their contents, the situation will be better understood. My first petition is dated June 5 and states, 'I want to meet with the authorized Chief Public Prosecutor.' For example, in the petition dated July 29, it is written that I want to meet directly with Akın Gürlek. In my petitions dated September 26 and October 13, it is written that I want to discuss matters related to İsmail Kaan. On October 23, it is written that I wanted to give a statement regarding İsmail Kaan not giving me the 1,750,000 dollars he obtained by selling my property and also hiding the property from the prosecutor's office. Additionally, this petition states that I had previously expressed this issue verbally and that I wanted my statement to be officially recorded. However, I was not called to give a statement on these matters. In other words, I could not go to the prosecutor's office and have what I wanted to tell and my answers to the allegations against me put on the record. Every time, thinking that this time I would be released, I approved the recording of the types of statements the prosecutor's office wanted. However, at the current stage, not only have I not been released, but punishment has been requested against me for many separate crimes.

MY STATEMENTS REGARDING MY HEALTH CONDITION

I have been receiving regular treatment for neck and lower back hernias for a long time. Before I was arrested, I was stabilizing my physical health with regular physical therapy/pilates sessions. However, my physical therapy was interrupted during my imprisonment.

While in prison, my neck hernia ruptured. I developed movement restrictions and numbness in my right index finger and thumb, and a loss of sensation in the same fingers of my left hand.

For these reasons, I am using injections and prescription painkillers. My body is covered in bruises due to the injections. My body has become desensitized to the painkillers.

On May 20, 2025, an MRI was performed on me at the Neurosurgery Polyclinic of Tekirdağ Dr. İsmail Fehmi Cumalıoğlu City Hospital. The medical report issued on May 27, 2025, stated that I needed surgery. It was emphasized that the treatment was not limited to surgery alone and that there was a long and continuous physical therapy process required after the operation. However, it is practically impossible to carry out such specialized and continuous treatments in penal institutions. On October 8, 2025, during an examination at the Neurosurgery Polyclinic of Tekirdağ Dr. İsmail Fehmi Cumalıoğlu City Hospital, my lower back pain was examined this time, and it was decided to perform an injection into the spinal cord.

The injection in question is one of the epidural injections performed in the operating room. It contains cortisone. And it is recommended that it be administered only at long intervals and only 1-2 times in a person's life.

I had already received this injection before the prison process, but my doctor had told me that if such a problem occurred again, he would not administer the injection and that I would need to undergo surgery.

Most recently, on February 19, 2026, a doctor's recommendation was given stating that I needed to undergo surgery again.

It is mandatory for me to have this surgery and subsequently undergo physical therapy. It is not possible for this to be done under prison conditions. I have a requirement for special care after the surgery. And delaying this treatment carries the risk of paralysis.

My primary school-aged son was diagnosed with depression due to the psychological distress he experienced while I was in prison.

I request that my health problems also be taken into consideration.

CONCLUSION and SUMMARY

I am a 20% partner in the company that received a sub-tender from Kültür AŞ. I have been an advertiser for 20 years and have very serious experience in outdoor advertising. There is not even an accusation regarding the sub-tenders received by BVA. I do not even understand why I am being accused regarding the main tenders held by the municipality and won by Kültür AŞ.

The claim that I am in the same organization as Murat Ongun, who wouldn't even give me an appointment, and that he was even my manager, is absurd.

I believe I am a defendant in this file only because I am a partner with Hüseyin Köksal, and because Hüseyin has known Ekrem İmamoğlu since childhood.

I do not even know any of the defendants in this indictment, except for the advertisers. And all the advertisers know me.

I am not being accused for the Giant Board tender, which we received from Kültür AŞ using the same procedure and during the same period. However, I am being accused for the megalight and overpass tender. This alone is sufficient to show that the tenders I received were in accordance with the procedures.

There is no concrete evidence for any of the allegations against me. There is not even a consistent claim. It is impossible for me to be accused based on deliberately distorted MASAK reports and expert and referral reports that try to portray real commercial activities as illegal acts. I am someone who is transparent in all my commercial dealings and all my financial movements. I have nothing to do with politics. I did the most business with the municipality during the AK Party era.

I am not running from justice. On the contrary, I am waiting for the hearing date with the happiness of finally being able to respond directly to the allegations against me.

Most of the smear campaigns that started on the morning of March 19, such as 'İmamoğlu's safe' and 'They bought a house from İmamoğlu Construction with the first payments from the İBB,' have disappeared. I am confident that I will be cleared of the accusations that are the subject of this case. My only request is that the evaluation regarding me be made by taking my personal defenses into account, rather than through collective accusations.

Together with the defense I will present at the hearing, I respectfully request and demand my release first, and then my acquittal, taking into account the points I have stated in this petition.