First impressions of September 12 emerge in US diplomatic documents: 'We know the soldiers, no cause for concern'

Exactly 44 years have passed since the September 12, 1980 military coup, which went down in our history of democracy as a dark stain. 

During a period when the Constitution was suspended, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) was abolished, and anti-democratic activities were carried out, hundreds of people lost their lives, thousands were imprisoned, and many were 'blacklisted'.

 BBC Turkish accessed US Department of State documents that were declassified in 2011 following a request under the Freedom of Information Act and published these documents, which were made public for the first time, in a three-part news series.

THERE ARE 10 PIECES OF CORRESPONDENCE

Among the documents reached by BBC Turkish are 10 pieces of correspondence sent between September 12, 1980, and November 5, 1980, from US diplomatic missions in Ankara, Istanbul, and Izmir to the Department of State in Washington and missions in other countries.

One of these correspondences, shared with the public for the first time, bears the "Secret" label, the second-highest level of classification; seven bear the "Limited Official Use" label, which is the third level of classification. Two correspondences are classified as "Unclassified" as they contain publicly available information.

The date of the first correspondence is September 12, 1980. This correspondence, which appears to have been written shortly after the coup and bears the signature of the then-Ambassador to Ankara, Spain, carries the "Secret" label. It is observed that the Department of State removed some parts before sharing this document.

'WE KNOW THE CURRENT MILITARY LEADERS WELL, NO NEED FOR CONCERN'

In the correspondence titled "US-Turkey relations following the army's seizure (of power)," Spain makes the following assessments immediately after the coup:

"We know all of the current military leaders well, and there is no need for us to be concerned that there will be a change in Turkey's security or foreign policy, especially regarding NATO membership.

"The main issue here will be to protect these interests in a democratic environment that is effectively and quickly re-established. However, there is no reason to believe that this will not happen.

"What is even more important in these early days is our public stance. We suggest that spokespersons speaking on behalf of the US government say that they are following the situation closely and limit their comments to statements that they do not expect to see any change in foreign policy approaches, such as Turkey's NATO membership."

ASSESSMENTS REGARDING MILITARY LEADERS REMOVED FROM THE TEXT

It is observed that the beginning of the paragraph containing assessments about military leaders in the correspondence penned by Ambassador Spain was removed from the text by the US Department of State before the documents were declassified.

Spain, who served as the US Chargé d'Affaires in Ankara in the mid-1970s, was appointed ambassador at the end of 1979. Spain's tenure ended in the summer of 1981.

In 1984, Spain wrote a book titled 'American Diplomacy in Turkey', in which he recounted the period he served in Turkey.

'THE COUP IS MORE DEEPLY ROOTED AND ACCEPTABLE'

In the letter Spain sent on the day of the coup, it is stated that the army's seizure of power in Turkey is a "more deeply rooted and more acceptable" situation, unlike in many other democratic countries.

The correspondence states, "In short, this is not a Latin American junta coup... As stated in the announcement regarding the seizure, recent developments in the field of terror and public order created pressure on the Turkish army to take action, albeit reluctantly," and the following assessments are made:

"In accordance with our usual policy of basing relations on states rather than governments, I do not think that the question of recognizing (the military administration) arises in this situation.

"Beyond this, there are two important US national interests regarding the current situation. The first of these is the preservation of Turkey as a democratic country in the long term. The other is the continuation of our security relations, including the continued implementation of the defense and economic cooperation agreement."

'AS LONG AS WE DO NOT UNNECESSARILY ALIENATE AND HUMILIATE THE NEW STATE ADMINISTRATORS...'

Stating that they will be able to make a more detailed comment after examining both the formation of the National Security Council (MGK) and the communiqués it issued, as well as the legal basis of the coup, the US Ambassador includes the following statements in the correspondence dated September 12, 1980:

"We will work to ensure the fastest and most complete restoration of democracy possible. And as long as we do not unnecessarily alienate and humiliate the new state administrators, we see no need to hide this goal of ours.

'LET US WAIT A FEW DAYS BEFORE MAKING A RECOMMENDATION'

"(For example; I want to wait a few days before making a recommendation on what our stance should be regarding the detention of Demirel, Ecevit, Erbakan, and possibly Türkeş.)

The then-Prime Minister and Justice Party Chairman Süleyman Demirel, the main opposition Republican People's Party Chairman Bülent Ecevit, and the leader of the National Salvation Party, which supported the minority government from the outside, Necmettin Erbakan, were detained on the night of the coup. Demirel and Ecevit were taken to Hamzaköy with their spouses; Erbakan was taken to Uzunada.

At the time this correspondence was written, Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) Chairman Alparslan Türkeş, who supported the minority government from the outside, was being sought. Türkeş, who could not be detained because he was not found at his home on the night of the coup, surrendered in Ankara on Sunday, September 14, and was taken to Uzunada.