Breaking News... Özgür Özel's 'red card' early election call: 'Bring the ballot box, see the card'

Republican People's Party (CHP) Chairman Özgür Özel made statements regarding the agenda at his party's parliamentary group meeting.

Touching upon the price hikes on bridges and highways, Özel said, "We would be cowards if we let those who do this to the citizens get away with it. We will not remain silent."

EARLY ELECTION CALL WITH A RED CARD

Reiterating his red card campaign, Özgür Özel made his call for early elections using a red card:

"When I talk about red card protests, the Minister of Industry and Technology told me yesterday, 'Our Kaan aircraft's national card is a green card.' These ministers are experiencing a strange mental block. If this country has an asset, it belongs to us, for better or worse. I show a red card to those who leave retirees hungry. We raised the red card for retirees condemned to hunger, but they raised it before us. Teachers who have not been appointed, civil servants who have stopped working, and family physicians are showing it. Those who demand justice are showing it. As the CHP, we are raising the red cards in our hands against misery. The red card is the action of the oppressed people of this country. The CHP invites all laborers to stand up. Stand up and show the red card. My final request from you is the ballot box. Bring the ballot box and you will see the red card."

The highlights of Özgür Özel's statements are as follows: 

"Yesterday, we woke up to a new agenda, actually a setup orchestrated against the agenda and our mayor. The official residence of our Beşiktaş Mayor, Rıza Akpolat, was pounded on as if to break it down by police. His mother ran to the door, and they said, 'Open it, or we will break it down.' Where is Rıza? His father is sick, he went to Balıkesir. His mother said, 'Let me call my son, let Rıza come.' This time, there was a raid on the address in Balıkesir and the well-known footage."

Our friends suggested yesterday, 'Should we hold the group meeting in front of the Beşiktaş Municipality?' It is not a bad suggestion. But aren't those who initiated an unjust and unlawful investigation against our mayor already wanting exactly that?"

They suggested we hold the group meeting in Beşiktaş; it wasn't a bad idea, but aren't those who slander our mayor and show up at 4:30 in the morning the ones who want this anyway? 

Yesterday, Mayor Ekrem came to Ankara. We appeared together at 2 PM to present our institutional stance. After the Central Executive Board (MYK) meeting ended, I went to Beşiktaş at 6 PM. In the snow, I met with the people of Beşiktaş who are standing up for their city and for democracy, led by Rıza Akpolat. I arrived here at 2 AM to talk about the things they don't want us to talk about. 

Can they cover up these price hikes and this cost-of-living crisis with the Beşiktaş operation? To those who think they can drag the CHP into the agenda they want, keep us busy here, and ensure the suffering we have caused the citizens is discussed less: despite them, we will of course talk about the judiciary, we will talk about Beşiktaş. But Recep Tayyip Erdoğan should not get his hopes up, because after raising bridge tolls by 100 percent on July 1, 2024, he raised them again before even 6 months had passed. 

213 percent for the July 15 Martyrs Bridge, 128 percent for the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge, 174 percent for the Osmangazi Bridge. 168 percent for the Çanakkale Bridge, high-speed train fares from Ankara to Istanbul up from 430 liras to 780 liras, from Konya up from 200 liras to 360 liras... 

When the Minister of Trade says there are opportunists raising prices above inflation, when Erdoğan says to boycott those who make exorbitant price hikes, when the Turkish Statistical Institute (TÜİK) announces 44 percent inflation, when they give a 30 percent raise to the minimum wage and an 11 percent raise to retirees—how will this nation boycott those who expect a boycott while facing these 213 percent hikes? How will we tell them what to do? To stop us, they say, 'Let's launch an operation there, get bogged down in that, and don't talk about the citizens' problems.' If we let those who do this to the citizens get away with it, we are cowards. We will not be silent; we will speak. 

"HE MAKES HIS APPOINTEES APPLAUD HIM"

The gentleman has himself applauded in 27-degree heat, travels with state vehicles, and makes his appointees applaud him. He has no idea about the fire in the kitchen or on the streets. I have visited 14 cities since the beginning of the year, I have done the math, and he is throwing barbs from there. I am not looking at where you tell me to look, I am looking at where the nation's heart is burning.

For the first time in the history of the Republic, the state has taken money out of people's pockets instead of putting it in. While we could buy 1,700 simits last January, we can only buy 1,470 simits this January. There is a group whose heart is burning even more, and that is the retirees.

"CAN MR. TAYYİP GO TO THE MARKET?"

Mr. Tayyip, first answer this. I say you have become a man of the salons, while we are having a picnic with retirees at minus 17 degrees. I ask you, can Mr. Tayyip go to the market? He might. A classmate of his in Istanbul said, 'Erdoğan cannot come to this market.' And he says, 'I am always among the people.'

Look, he hasn't been there for 10 years. Mr. Tayyip went to the market 21 years ago. Look, it's written under the news report; he bought 1 kilo of strawberries, 3 cartons of eggs, and 5 kilos of watermelon from the market. What did he pay? 29 liras. We checked the same prices today and calculated it to be 1440 liras.

"THE FARMER AND THE TRADESMAN ARE A HEAVY BURDEN FOR HIM"

He says, 'I have a basket on my back.' The basket he refers to is the authority given by the nation. You asked how to fight the cost of living, and in the second round, with the nation's discretion, the nation placed the basket on your back. Now he says, 'I cannot carry it.' The farmer and the tradesman are a heavy burden for him.

The 'gang of five' paid zero lira in taxes. Erdoğan still allocated 700 billion liras in the budget for them.

On one side are the retirees, on the other are the 40 thieves. Today, the minimum wage is 22,000 liras. We had calculated it based on 24,000. If he provided 8,000 liras in support to the employer, and if the minimum wage earner received 30,000 while the employer paid 22,000, the cost would be 300 billion liras.

There is no need to say, 'There is no money, no means, the basket is heavy.' If you gave it to the 2.5 million retirees, the tea growers in Rize, the hazelnut producers in Ordu, and the wheat producers in Thrace, this nation has the money; it just lacks a president who stands behind it. There is a president who turns his back on the poor.

"THEY ARE NOT ASHAMED TO DEEM THIS MISERY WAGE SUITABLE FOR OUR ELDERLY!"

I must express with shame a situation I encountered while visiting a market in Istanbul: a brother of mine in a wheelchair, pushed by his elderly mother. You talk about everything, talk about the disability pension too. I am saying this with shame and apologies; the old-age pension has increased by 483 liras to 4,664 liras. We are rebelling against 22,000, and we should. Who receives the old-age pension? My elderly aunt, my uncle who cannot walk with two canes. The daily increase is 16 liras. The disability pension increased by 385 liras to 3,723 liras. The widow and orphan pension increased by 617 liras to 3,647 liras; the daily increase is 20 liras. They have given people an increase equal to the price of a simit per day, while the hikes in electricity, natural gas, and water are obvious. Bread has seen a 25 percent price hike. Unfortunately, the picture they have presented, even though we are preparing to take over the government and the resources are clear, makes me blush even while I am saying it. They are not ashamed to deem this misery wage suitable for our elderly; shame on them. 

Now, a nine-article law is coming. They have included the pension hike in it. If it doesn't pass, salaries cannot be paid. They have stuffed those eight disgusting articles that the opposition objected to—the ones they said, "You are right, we concede, we are removing them"—into this omnibus bill.

This is not morality. This might be the word of a 22-year-old ruling party, this might be its morality. But this parliament has a morality. A promise made here is kept.

What is said will not be done, is not done. Because you do not plot against the nation. When you take that article from there and add it into this article here, you are not deceiving the nation's representative, you are deceiving the nation itself.

Because that representative received votes from 100,000, 110,000, or 120,000 people to raise that hand, came here, and took an oath. And the AK Party will try to implement this immorality, this failure to keep a promise, this plot in parliament this week. Our friends will show them what morality is, what a promise is, what virtue is, and how a political party deceiving other opposition parties—and doing these things after the election, knowing that if the other articles don't pass, the citizens will be aggrieved—is unacceptable.

They protected nature, protected the public, and protected the state's interests with such good intentions. Four days later, or 14 days later, they are faced with the same ugliness.

I am putting this on the record here. We will put it on the official records. Whether it gets fixed or not, we don't care. You have brought the world down on the nation's head. What good or harm does one more brick falling do? But so that it can be opened and read when the day comes, so that it can be said, "The AK Party stooped to this too," our friends will put this on the record, and I am putting it on the record here.

CORRUPTION AT THE YUNUS EMRE FOUNDATION

Now, as we slowly come to what was done to Beşiktaş, let us show what was done to the nation but not to others. There is the Yunus Emre Foundation, which operates in 66 countries and whose board of trustees is chaired by the Minister of Culture and Tourism himself.

Allegations of corruption at this foundation have reached a peak. A criminal complaint was filed. Three days after the complaint, two people resigned and fled, and eight people were arrested and imprisoned.

"THE FAMILY MINISTER'S HUSBAND AND MHP MEMBER YALÇIN'S SON FLED"

One day before the criminal complaint, the president of the foundation took off and fled abroad. We are talking about a major corruption case amounting to a total of 700 million liras in today's currency. The foundation's president, Şeref Ateş, is one of those AK Party types, one of those fancy ones. They told him to 'Run!', and he fled abroad. The Family Minister is the only female minister in the cabinet. As the Republican People's Party, we have always been careful with female ministers and those who engage in politics regarding women. We have always been careful in the General Assembly and in the budget, but the Family Minister's husband, Rahmi Göktaş, and MHP İstanbul Deputy Semih Yalçın's son, Abdullah Kutalmış Yalçın, resigned and fled immediately after the criminal complaint to avoid being pursued by the judiciary, before an investigation was even opened.

When that happens, you are cleared. You become as pure as the driven snow. No one in the judicial or investigative authorities is pursuing Semih Yalçın's son or the minister's husband. Except for a few honest journalists and those of you and us who object to this, the attitude is, 'Well, they resigned, they are not responsible.'

HE SPOKE WITH DOCUMENTS, LISTING THE NAMES ONE BY ONE

Now, take a look at the documents I will show you to see who the real culprits are and what the situation is. For the first time, you can see with their signatures: First, the Treasury and Finance Ministry tax inspectors, the Tax Evasion Audit Department, wrote to the Yunus Emre Foundation in August, while the two fugitives who resigned were still in office.

"Our institution is requesting the submission of the original invoices issued in the name of your institution in 2023 by the aforementioned company, Dolunay Records Müzik Video Prodüksiyon ve Yayın Ticaret LTD. ŞTİ., as well as the payment documents, receipts, checks, and relevant annual journals related to these invoices, following an investigation conducted by our inspectorate into your institution which found that there was no commercial activity based on a genuine purchase or sale of goods and services, and that invoices were issued to your institution by a company operating for the purpose of trading fake invoices in exchange for a commission."

Look, I am going to present them now. These friends resigned 3 days ago, so they have no responsibilities. Purchase approval document, March 22, 2024, Yunus Emre Foundation board of directors decision.

Description of the work: Service to be procured regarding the Geographical Indication Summit. The average cost of the work is 6 million 100 thousand liras. Those who signed it: Murat Çakır, detained.

Safiye Yurtseven, detained, fugitive.

Kutalmış Yalçın, the son of Semih Yalçın, is neither a fugitive nor detained; he is resigned, he has stepped down. He has come out clean as a whistle.

Clean as a whistle. Rahmi Göktürk, the minister's spouse, resigned when the investigation began. They have signatures as 'clean as a whistle,' saying 'let's do this job.' Was the job done? Well, it was done. The invoice, the company... Someone gave 7 million. Someone gave 7.5 million. They took the job for 6 million. 5 million plus 6 percent VAT, 6 million. The investigator says, 'This company did not produce any real goods, issued fake invoices, and received payments in exchange for a commission.' 6 million.

Well, the invoice was issued, but was the money paid? Vakıfbank receipt, 6 million. Whose signature is under the payment order? Down to the IBAN of the company to be paid.

Şeref Ateş, president, on the run, fugitive. Safiye Yurtseven, detained. Kutalmış Yalçın, vice president, resigned. When the investigation started.

What did they write? 'Urgent.' To the Vakıfbank branch. 'This account number at your branch, as seen, pay 35.5 million liras, not 6 million, from our term deposit account to this company.' The IBAN is the same IBAN. This means that apart from this 6 million invoice, there are other invoices from the same company. They had 35 million paid out.

RESPONDED TO BAHÇELİ

The payment order is here. The payment of the 6 million invoice is here. Now, Mr. Bahçeli, the Bahçeli who talks big, remember when Sinan Ateş's wife went and cried to the President. The President's eyes welled up. That lady said 'those two.' Sinan Ateş's mother said 'those two.' Before Sinan Ateş died, he told his mother, 'Those two have broken my pen. They are looking for men among drug dealers and pushers to clean me up. My pen is broken, please forgive me, mother.' Sinan Ateş said. His mother and wife said this in court as well.

You elected the spouse of one of those two to the Court of Accounts right before our eyes. You placed the son of the other in the Yunus Emre Foundation. I am sending these to Mr. Bahçeli today, point by point, with their documents. Mr. Deniz Yavuzyılmaz has delivered all the paperwork.

'IF YOU ARE MHP, TAYYİP BEY WON'T LET THEM BE TOUCHED'

I am sending it as a file. If these individuals have still not been investigated, it means this: If you are from the MHP, if you are somewhere at the top there, get involved in all kinds of corruption, be involved in all kinds of filth. Out of respect for the state, our state does not touch them, Tayyip Bey does not let them be touched. Is this a state of law? Is this morality? Is this tradition? Is this the morality of the Turks?

THE PROTOCOL SIGNED BY THE MINISTRY OF NATIONAL EDUCATION WITH THE ÜLKÜ OCAKLARI 

And also, and also, and also, the Ministry of National Education signed a protocol recently with the Ülkü Ocakları, which is the youth organization of the Nationalist Movement Party. What will happen? The Ülkü Ocakları will go, provide training in schools, and educate the youth. This, this movement has two sides. The first is Süleyman Soylu; he couldn't save himself, but whenever he was cornered, he leaned towards the MHP. Whenever he was cornered, he leaned towards the MHP.

Soylu, who in the past said, "The MHP should be shut down, the MHP's era is over," would cozy up to Devlet Bey when he was in a tight spot, offer compliments, and do favors for them, making all the appointments they wanted just to stay in power.

ÖZEL'S 'SOYLU' STATEMENT: "THESE ARE HIS BETTER DAYS"

But he couldn't save himself now. He's completely disheveled. These are his better days. I promise, he will be held accountable before the judiciary. This Minister of National Education is also responsible for another disgrace that our shadow minister, deputies, and assistants expose every day.

He said he would cozy up to the MHP to cover it up. That's one side of it. On the other side, they are letting sects and religious communities into schools. Who are they going to raise, a leader? As if that weren't enough, they are signing agreements with the Ülkü Ocakları (Grey Wolves), and young people are supposed to learn something from the Ülkü Ocakları.

I have nothing to say to those who grew up in the Ülkü Ocakları in the past, those who went there with good intentions, or those who were pursuing an ideal. But what are those two, or those who have been hurling threats at the chairman of a political party recently, or those known for what they were involved in during past periods, going to teach?

Are they going to tell the youth? "You can be a member of an association. If your paths diverge from your president one day, if drug gangs shoot him and his body lies in the middle of Ankara, turn your back. This is our morality." Is this what you will teach? Will you say, "We won't even send a single tweet. We won't go near his mother. We won't even stroke the head of his little child. Because the order came from above, he didn't comply with the established order. He didn't become a tool for these dishonorable acts"? Or will you say, "While the country was starving, we held up the AK Party just as it was about to fall. Instead of learning a lesson, they tried to lecture this nation, tried to discipline them with hunger, tried to discipline them with poverty. While the Yörüks on the peaks of the Taurus Mountains in this Antalya, where we received votes, were dying of hunger, we stayed silent just because the person who paid 700 million with fake invoices was the son of our deputy chairman. You too, stay silent about the theft, forget the hungry, and defend the rich"?

OPERATION AT BEŞİKTAŞ MUNICIPALITY

The nation made a decision on March 31. It made our party the leading party after 47 years. We defeated Tayyip Erdoğan, who thought he would never be defeated, who boasted about every election, saying, "We won then, we won now," after 22 years, while he was at the head of his party and the head of the state, while he had appointed district governors as his district chairs and governors as his provincial chairs, and while he had aligned TRT and the Anadolu Agency with his party, with the power we received from the nation, with the Turkey Alliance, and shoulder to shoulder with all of Turkey's democrats, with 38 percent of the vote.

Since that day, he has been unable to digest this election success. On one hand, he has been creating difficulties for Republican People's Party (CHP) municipalities, using public power to constantly make things go wrong, thinking that the CHP was not prepared for so many municipalities, that it would fail, and that this would work to his advantage.

Polls show satisfaction levels of 58 percent for us and 60.5-61 percent for them. Our mayors are in the field; as I said at the beginning, they are touching people's lives, touching women and children. They are fighting poverty. They are heating cold homes, filling empty pots, closing credit books, and delivering hot meals to the hungry. That is why they receive prayers and support. He didn't know what to do. On one hand, he thought, 'Let's shake up the municipalities, cut off their water, seize their funds when they have cash, and prevent them from providing services.'

While he continued to try to trip them up instead of competing in service, to throw a wrench into the wheels of the municipality's service vehicles, and to act with all his might out of envy, Rıza Akpolat's door was knocked on yesterday morning.

"WHAT WAS DONE YESTERDAY IS THE LAW OF THE ENEMY"

They did what they did at the expense of scaring his mother and upsetting an elderly woman. The goal is to discredit the party and its municipal governance through the person of Mayor Rıza, and to try to take various steps to make themselves not just advantageous but, in their own minds, unrivaled in this race by tripping up a rival they could not beat in the run and by engaging in off-the-field tactics through this and similar operations. What was done yesterday is the law of the enemy. Tayyip Erdoğan performed his duties for years. He was never called to testify for a single tender. Yet, there were over 300 investigations into the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB) during his term. Because, by law, a mayor is not responsible for tenders.

If that were the case, 300 mayors in Turkey would be going to testify every morning. Most of them unjustly, some of them justifiably. But it was put into law so that the person who signs is the one held responsible, so that it wouldn't be a case of 'I signed it, let someone else take the blame.' A mayor's responsibilities are clear, and their lack of responsibility in tenders is clear.

He has subordinates who are the signatories responsible. Furthermore, there is no irregularity in the work done. But they took him, put police on his arms, and messaged courthouse reporters saying, 'We are bringing him at this hour, come and take footage.'

Who does this benefit? There is such a thing as the presumption of innocence. You are going to damage a person's reputation. Nine months ago, that person entered the ballot box, and not for the first time; he worked for 5 years, and at the end of those 5 years, he was given votes at a record level for Turkey.

There are 31 municipal council members, and we all entered the election together. We had rivals from the right and the left. The most ambitious ones were the AK Party and the MHP, the People's Alliance. How many municipal council members did they get?

Beşiktaş gave all 31 municipal council seats to the CHP. What does this mean? It says, "You had high hopes, but could you please take your hands off Beşiktaş? I am not letting you stick your nose into this municipality." That is the will of the people, after all. Why is it good when it is given to you, but bad when it is given to us in Beşiktaş?

You scored zero out of 31. Instead of sitting there, doing the math in your head, or holding the Beşiktaş district organization accountable, you come and hold Rıza Akpolat accountable for being successful. You hold him accountable for being a record-breaker and ask Rıza Akpolat questions that should not be asked.

FLASH STATEMENTS REGARDING İHSAN AKTAŞ

Until yesterday morning, this firm was run by someone named İhsan Aktaş, who was reputable in state circles and handled work for the Parliament, the State Airports Authority, countless state-owned enterprises, the Court of Cassation, the Trabzon Metropolitan Municipality, Elazığ, Isparta, and numerous AK Party municipalities.

İhsan Aktaş. Most recently, Bahçelievler, which is an AK Party municipality. He just received a tender from the Bahçelievler Municipality for 564 million TL. Also, they are trying to establish a connection with Esenyurt, right? He also received the tender for Esenyurt. But while waiting for the two-month objection period, a trustee was appointed to the Esenyurt Municipality, Ahmet Özel was sent to Silivri, the newly appointed trustee examined it, saw no harm, and granted a one-month extension under Article 21.

He approved it on January 1st and started the service. Now, trying to involve the CHP municipalities sent there, mix them all up, associate them with Esenyurt, and from there go to Beşiktaş, and from there to such and such a place, and if possible to the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, has completely backfired on the incompetent and ambitious person named Akın Gürlek.

Because the person they are accusing held the tender openly with nine firms. One was selected. There has been nothing for two months. The time is passing. The person who signed it and started the work is the one they appointed as a trustee to Esenyurt after making the former Beyoğlu District Governor a deputy governor overnight. If they are going to investigate, they should ask him: "Why is this person doing this?"

Now, this person, Akın Gürlek, sent a text to the press yesterday at 5 or 6 in the morning, calling him 'crime syndicate leader İhsan Aktaş' and claiming that the work he does is being questioned in Beşiktaş.

The work in Beşiktaş is that this İhsan Aktaş specializes in these things. He doesn't care about AKP, MHP, CHP, or the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. He keeps taking on car rental and waste management contracts. Our municipalities waited and wrote letters about this person.

Because someone said, 'He might be a member of a terrorist organization.' One of his competitors, our municipality wrote a letter and asked the state: 'Does this person have any obstacles, any connections, or any affiliations?' There was no response within the time limit. So, it means there is no problem, the state said you can work with him. Now they are attacking us over this. We looked into what other companies this İhsan Aktaş has. We were already on the trail of a case. Look at what we saw, what we caught? You will be surprised once again... İhsan Aktaş's company enters a tender. In this tender they entered, they want to open what they call the largest gas station in the Middle East and the Balkans.

The largest gas station. The company's name is Güven Elif Limited Company, but the main company of İhsan Aktaş is called Elif LPG, and this Elif LPG company is established. In September, October, November, December, he opens a gas station but cannot get what he wants.

The gas station is here. Because he cannot get permission from the district municipality or the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality for the areas behind it to build shopping malls, car wash stations, entertainment areas, drive-in cinemas, and the largest gas station complex in the Middle East, the Balkans, and Europe. He remains limited to the permit for this location. Look, we received this yesterday evening at 22:01 regarding Güven Elif Highway Operations, registered to İhsan Aktaş at the location on the TEM highway.

So, what do you think İhsan Aktaş does when he cannot convince the municipality or municipalities to open that huge, massive gas station in the back? The man has many connections. He finds someone from the AK Party. It was published in the Official Gazette on Thursday, December 4 and December 12, 2024. On the night of December 4, while the Village Law was being discussed, they added a clause to an omnibus bill at the last minute.

It says the duties and powers of the Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change are as follows, and they added this green sentence there. I am reading the green sentence: 'To determine the principles regarding the preparation of plans of all scales related to areas such as fuel and liquefied petroleum gas stations, and to make, have made, or approve ex officio any kind of map, survey, plan, and land arrangement of any scale related to these.' The person called İhsan Aktaş received the permit you see from the municipalities in Istanbul and from the highways department because it is on the TEM, to build the largest gas station complex in the Middle East around the place he wants.

Since he couldn't get the rest of it, and because they said such a thing is not possible, we all know which door he is knocking on; it is not possible for this clause to be parachuted into the Village Law in this parliament in the middle of the night without someone's knowledge.

That one person, the one sitting at the very top. The entire parliament knows this. Therefore, I must state that I never do, have not done, will not do, and we do not do this in politics: 'The pot calling the kettle black' does not exist for us.

Whoever is guilty, we are the ones who exposed the İSKİ scandal, which is still cited as a trouble or a problem for us; we are the ones who reported it. They took our mayor in Yalova. Despite all the positive expert reports regarding him, they governed Yalova for 5 years with a trustee just because they held the majority. It was our mayor who made the report. If there is a criminal, let them stay away from us. If there is someone corrupt, let them stay away from us. You know that we have no tolerance for these matters.

We are a party that expelled our own mayor from the party before an investigation even began in Menemen, where we received 60 percent in the general elections, at the cost of not winning Menemen in these elections. Therefore, through a betrayal, that municipality passed to the AK Party with the mayor's agreement with the AK Party and the changing of sides by a few people.

Since that day, 4 billion in assets have been sold and distributed as election bribes, but we did not hesitate even for a moment to do the right thing. But here, neither Rıza, my brother Rıza Akpolat, nor Ahmet Özel from Esenyurt have the slightest fault, not even a tiny bit, beyond the political conspiracy carried out against them. They sold land for the municipality's debt, cleared accounts, and distributed salaries with the remaining money, salaries.

But unfortunately, and unfortunately, we are facing a mentality that tries to break the wrist they cannot bend with the public power in their hands, trying to break it with the police's battering ram. This mentality, I said it yesterday, I said that too. Ask Mr. Tayyip. He said, 'Let Mr. Özgür explain the name Ömer Çelik, let him not speak in code.'

He said there is no decoder. The decoder itself is right there. The municipality is in Adana. We are facing such a mentality that it is a mentality that seizes the account of the social aid provided or the concrete account of the Eskişehir Soup Kitchen, while soup was about to be distributed to the hungry at the soup kitchen. Why? So that the nation does not remain satisfied.

The same mentality that assassinated the reputation of Rıza Akpolat is our mayor; well, if there is an AK Party voter or an MHP voter in Anatolia who would find this reasonable, let them bring them, and I will talk to them. Our previous term deputy.

In this term, our mayoral candidate in Yüreğir, Adana. I went there personally, I fought. Zeydan Karalar worked, Burhanettin Bulut worked, the Adana deputies worked day and night. We took Yüreğir from the hands of the AK Party.

We received 45-46 percent of the vote. You, Mr. Ömer, didn't understand, so let me put it in a more decoded way. You know that female MP you are feuding with? I hope she doesn't hear this. Why is she traveling in a civilian vehicle, in a different car? It is said she is doing so out of fear of you. It is asked, why is she not entering through the front door? It is said she is not entering out of fear of you. You told Mr. Tayyip that you are meeting with the mayor from the province, and that you have no knowledge of it. That female MP called. We will meet somewhere in Ankara.

I will take you without anyone seeing. Our President has things to say to you. He called me and asked. I said, if the President calls, a public official who is a mayor goes. I said, if he asks for something related to the public, you say 'at your service,' but if he asks for something inappropriate, you ask for permission to decline.

While I was expecting something inappropriate, some unreasonable demand, he says to someone who is married, registered to Atatürk's party, elected by us on March 31, whose political home is clear, whose place is clear: 'How did you win Yüreğir? I am very surprised. What are you doing in the CHP?' She politely replies: 'I am a CHP member, I am their MP. My father is a CHP member, my grandfather is a CHP member. I am in my father's house.' He says, 'Come to us.' Is this even possible, my friend? A party chairman calls a mayor from another party in Anatolia and says, 'Come to us, leave your party. We will make you comfortable here.' There are veiled implications, as if there were a prior investigation into the mayor or something. 'You will be comfortable here.' What does this mean? What does this mean? I said it, and I didn't even mention the name of the municipality.

It came out before the evening. They asked Mr. Ömer. What code? The code of Adana. More complicated than the Da Vinci Code, it's the AK Party's code in Adana. Shame on you.

In the morning, I am going to have coffee with 20 administrators. That is the principle. We do not conduct political work without stopping by the province and having coffee and tea with the provincial chairman. I wait for 20 provincial administrators. Nearly 1,000 party members gathered in Mersin. I said: We will speak there at 3 o'clock. That place is important. Come there. We will make a great start together. We have a surprise. We are watching how social media and sites that want a few clicks are handling the 'CHP's surprise' thing, and we are quite pleased. It grew tremendously. At that point, while talking about red card actions, the Minister of Industry and Technology showed me a green card yesterday. He says, he says: 'Look,' he says, 'Özgür Özel, this is the national card of our KAAN aircraft, a green card.'

I have to say something. These ministers really have a strange mental block. There was the previous one, Varank. He had come here with the TOGG. He was waving the thing, the key to the TOGG. I said, what are you waving? Is it your father's property? I said it is the nation's property.

Leave it on the podium. Leave it on the podium. We will all ride it. In Germany, are Mercedes for the Christian Democrats and BMWs for the Social Democrats? If this country has an asset, it is ours, with its good and bad, its pluses and minuses. I said, 'Let it belong to the nation.' While he was waving it like that, he put it in his pocket. 'It's not mine, I borrowed it,' he said. But the TOGG is also ours, the minister might have missed it, and Mr. Ahmet Hakan might have missed it. Because he wrote something today. Regarding the red card action, he says the minister scored the first goal against the red card from the AK Party. Why would I concede a goal?

When the KAAN flew, I was the first to tweet congratulations. The KAAN is our pride, our honor. Of course, of course, a green card from me to the KAAN, but a red card from me to those who leave the retirees hungry.

"I AM ADDRESSING MR. TAYYİP..."

It is that simple. That is why we have now raised the red card for the retirees who have been condemned to hunger, but they had already raised it in the squares before us. Minimum wage earners are showing the red card in the squares.

Workers whose rights have been violated are showing the red card. Teachers who cannot be appointed, civil servants who have gone on strike, and family physicians are showing the red card.

Victims of the internship system and those waiting for retirement adjustments are showing it. Those demanding tax justice are showing it. Those seeking justice in retirement are showing the red card, and we, as the Republican People's Party, are raising our red cards against those who pay misery wages to retirees and workers. The red card is not the action of the Republican People's Party, but of the oppressed people of this country.

The Republican People's Party invites all retirees and all workers to stand up. Stand up and show your red cards. I am addressing Mr. Tayyip: Here is your red card. If you do not hear the voice of this nation, this is what you will see from them. This nation has nothing left to see from you. They have no hope left in you. The only request, the final request from you, is the ballot box. Bring the ballot box, and you will see the red card.

We are holding our party's group meeting https://t.co/pTkLAEvx4E

— Özgür Özel (@eczozgurozel) January 14, 2025