Selahattin Demirtaş controversy in Parliament: Tuncer Bakırhan recalls ECHR rulings, calls for 'end to the case'!

DEM Party Co-Chair Tuncer Bakırhan made statements at his party's group meeting held in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM).

Referring to the arrest of the then-HDP Co-Chairs Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ on November 4, 2016, Bakırhan said this date was a "turning point where democratic politics was sought to be silenced."

"NOVEMBER 4 IS THE DATE DEMOCRATIC POLITICS WAS SILENCED"

Bakırhan stated that the November 4, 2016 operations were not just a "legal procedure" but also the "beginning of a radical paradigm shift in the Kurdish issue."

The DEM Party Co-Chair used the following expressions: "What was targeted that day was not just our friends, but the third-way politics they represented, that is, the alliance between democratic Kurdish politics and Turkey's leftist forces."

"THE LANGUAGE OF PEACE DOES NOT FALL SILENT"

Emphasizing that their party did not take a step back despite the pressures experienced, Bakırhan said, "The language of peace does not fall silent. The peace process being discussed again today is a result of the resistance against the liquidation policies imposed on November 4."

He stated that the democratization process in Turkey would only be possible by returning to the principle of the rule of law.

"CONSPIRACY CASES MUST END, LAW MUST BE FOLLOWED"

Arguing that numerous politicians, including Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ, should be released, Bakırhan said, "If we are to talk about peace, conspiracies must end. Turkey is obligated to comply with ECHR rulings. There is no longer any conscientious or political justification for this lawlessness," he said.

Bakırhan expressed that names such as Leyla Güven, Can Atalay, Osman Kavala, Semra Güzel, and Selçuk Mızraklı should also be released immediately.

BAHÇELİ HAD ALSO CALLED FOR RELEASE

MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli had also used the expressions "The release of Selahattin Demirtaş will lead to auspicious outcomes" in his statement regarding Selahattin Demirtaş at the group meeting he held this morning.

The statements of DEM Party Co-Chair Tuncer Bakırhan are as follows:

"Exactly nine years ago, on November 4, 2016, democratic politics was sought to be silenced. Our Co-Chairs Figen Yüksekdağ and Selahattin Demirtaş, along with our deputies, were taken from their homes and arrested. November 4, 2016, cannot be seen merely as a legal operation or an ordinary wave of arrests. This date should be read as the milestone of a radical paradigm shift in the approach to the Kurdish issue. What was targeted that day was not just our friends; the 'third way' politics they represented, that is, the alliance established between democratic Kurdish politics and Turkey's leftist and socialist forces, was sought to be dismantled. Those who resolutely defended peace and equality were sought to be punished.

The intervention made against political will on November 4 soon spread to local administrations. The path paved that day is being continued today with the trustee appointments extending from Hakkâri to Istanbul. This process accelerated the use of law as a political tool by moving away from the principle of the rule of law.

Despite this, we did not give up on what we believed in the face of all the difficult processes that have passed. We did not take a step back, and we are here today: We are at the forefront of peace, equality, and freedom. We continue to defend the Parliament, the squares, the courts, and the law itself. Our answer to those who want to silence democratic politics is clear: The language of peace does not fall silent. The peace process we are discussing again today is precisely a result of the resistance and social insistence shown against the liquidation policies imposed on November 4.

Now, for the well-being of this process, the conspiracy cases must come to an end. If we are to talk about peace, conspiracies must end. Turkey is obligated to comply with ECHR rulings. The normalization of Turkey and the establishment of social peace depend on complying with the law. There is no longer any conscientious or political justification for the continuation of this lawlessness.

Yüksekdağ, Demirtaş, Ali Ürküt, Nazmi Gür, Alp Altınörs, Günay Kubilay, Aynur Aşan, Bülent Parmaksız, Dilek Yağlı, İsmail Şengül, Pervin Oduncu, Zeynep Karaman, Zeynep Ölbeci, and Zeki Çelik must be free.

Furthermore, Leyla Güven, Selçuk Kozağaçlı, Can Atalay, Osman Kavala, Semra Güzel, Selçuk Mızraklı, Mehmet Sıddık Akış, Cihan Karaman, Bekir Kaya, Ayşe Gökkan, and all our hundreds, thousands of political prisoner friends whose names we cannot count must be released immediately; our friends in exile, such as Selim Sadak, must also be able to return to their lands.

Precisely on the anniversary of November 4, we reiterate our call; those in exile should return to their country, imprisoned politicians to the squares, and peace to these lands.

For these returns to happen, the democratic transformation of the state is necessary. The process that began on October 1 is not just a peace process; it is also a test of the state's democratic transformation. So, what does the democratic transformation of the state mean? Turkey is our common home; therefore, there can be no common life in a house whose walls are built with uniformity and whose windows are made to look in only one direction. Mistakes have been made for decades. As the state says 'I know best,' mistakes grow, and the citizen shrinks. The state acted not like a servant of the people, but like an owner, and it still acts this way. With the arrogance of 'I know best,' it stifled the voice of the people, saw Turkey's thousand and one colors, languages, and beliefs as a threat; it polarized society by forcing it into a single mold and pushed millions out of the common home.

The balance and control mechanisms that are the foundation of democracy have been destroyed. The judiciary has turned into a political apparatus. The Parliament has been rendered ineffective. Local administrations have been left breathless by the grip of the center. It is unclear who is auditing whom. Yet, in democracies, the Parliament audits the executive; the judiciary works equally for everyone; and the government is accountable to the Parliament.

So what should be done? A system must be established where the state does not rule over the people, but serves the people. A common life must be built where no one is marginalized because of their identity and belief. A real balance and control system must be established where the judiciary is independent, the Parliament is strong, and the executive is transparent. Problems should be solved through negotiation and dialogue, not violence; social peace should be achieved. The will should be local, in the people themselves; a strong local democracy should be guaranteed.

We can make dozens more suggestions, but the essence of the matter is this: A country grows with its peace and shrinks with its fears. We want to grow the country and democracy with peace.

Let us say it sincerely. This process must include all segments of society. The way to do this is to turn the process that began in October 2024 into a real democratic transformation. From Mardin to Muğla, from Kars to Hatay, everyone must be the subject of this transformation. Because we know that the Kurdish issue is the keystone of Turkish democracy. As long as that stone is not in place, no structure we build on it stands firm. As the Kurdish issue is resolved, Turkey will democratize, and as democratization expands, we will all breathe more freely.

So how will we do this? Of course, we will do it with democratic integration laws. Democratic integration, in its essence, means getting used to each other, looking out for each other, and harmony. We can best explain this by comparing it with its opposite, assimilation. Assimilation, which has been imposed on this society for years, says 'Forget!' It says, 'Forget your language, your identity, your self, your honor, be like me.' Assimilation melts, destroys, and homogenizes. Democratic integration, as described by Mr. Öcalan, says 'Exist!' It says, 'You as a Kurd, that one as a Turk, another as an Alevi, a Syriac; let us all be equal citizens of the democratic republic together.' One destroys, the other embraces. One rejects, the other claims. The difference between them is that clear.

Democratic integration is the name of peoples and beliefs living freely with their own language, culture, and identity. The duty of the state is not to make peoples resemble each other, but to ensure that each grows with its own roots by standing at an equal distance to everyone. Therefore, democratic integration is not only the solution to the Kurdish issue but also the key to Turkey's total democratization. We can only build a country where no one carries the fear of 'if I fall out with the state, I will get into trouble' and no one thinks 'my lifestyle is in danger' in this way.

We say it clearly: Democratic integration is not a division, but it is not a surrender either. Democratic integration is the parties accepting each other and basing their existence on living together. It is different colors and different cultures coming together and completing each other. What is important is unity and harmony. The way to this passes through democratic integration laws. We are talking about the laws that we frequently mention, for which no steps have been taken yet, but which we hope will be taken in the coming days. History offers us this opportunity."