On the day Parliament opened, Devlet Bahçeli blew, thundered, and poured.
He let loose on the CHP, Özgür Özel, and Halk TV for taking ownership of the Sinan Ateş case.
He insulted them outright, saying, "Özgür Özel, I am talking to you; your claims are as rotten as your character, you are standing on a rotting plank, you are riding a bus with blown tires, and the sophistry you are a prisoner to will take you nowhere," and called him "shameless."
He didn't stop there; he openly threatened them, saying, "I am calling out from here: Halk TV and the CHP, watch your step. You cannot interrogate the Nationalist Movement Party with four clown reporters, and we will not let you."
The only thing he didn't do was curse his mother and sister. His speech contained neither proper political criticism nor a reaction framed within the bounds of decency and morality.
Those who listened to this speech, delivered while he was practically foaming at the mouth, and anyone who believes that the CHP, as the founding party of the country, and the CHP's Chairman deserve a minimum level of respect, were left with their hair standing on end.
What he said was beyond the pale.
If half of those things had been said to someone on the street, it could have even led to murder.
Under these circumstances, a dignified stance was required; a measured but strong reaction was needed to ensure the party's institutional identity was not tarnished and the Chairman's personal rights were not violated, and Bahçeli needed to be put in his place with polite but firm language.
Ali Mahir Başarır went on screen and mumbled a few sentences.
That was it!
All eyes were on Özgür Özel. Would he shake the earth and sky with his response?
Would he be able to take a strong stance to protect the rights, law, honor, and pride of himself and the party he leads?
Those who waited, waited in vain.
At the reception held in the evening, he ran right over to Bahçeli, as if he weren't the same person who had been spewing hatred at the CHP and him just a few hours earlier, and "offered his respects."
He swallowed the insults he had received and said, "Thank God."
Let us underline this with a thick pen.
As an individual, Özgür Özel might overlook insults directed at him and might not make them a matter of honor and pride.
But allowing a figure as dark as Devlet Bahçeli, a figure in Turkish politics, to tarnish the country's founding party with such base sentences should absolutely not be acceptable!
He supposedly said these things "politically"!
When Bahçeli patted him on the back, saying, "Don't be upset, sometimes there are things we have to say politically, as a requirement of politics," he must have lowered his sails, because with an expression on his face somewhere between a smirk and a smile, he said, "Our friends like Celal (Adan) Bey know our feelings."
Özgür Özel is now obligated to immediately explain what those feelings are.
In other words, Bahçeli had said all those sentences "politically," and Özgür Özel had accepted them "politically."
While we were standing there with our mouths wide open, trying to understand and make sense of what was happening, we had an epiphany as our realization dawned at the speed of light.
It turns out that the entire political life of Özgür Özel—who cannot fill the seat the CHP occupies, acts like a spoiled boy constantly seeking approval, tries to cover his ignorance by lashing out at others, and makes sycophantic phone calls to the White Palace's hitmen to get a pat on the back—is nothing more than a mediocre theatrical play.
We have come to understand that all those shouts until his throat was torn, those teary-eyed speeches, those high-pitched rants, those dramatic expressions, gestures, and mimicry were all just a story.
He was just doing what the play he was acting in required.
Tomorrow, he could be hugging Hulusi Akar and saying, "My dear, everything I said was political, let's look at the next matches."
If they cursed his mother, sister, wife, or lineage, or went after his family, he could just say "it was political" and overlook it.
While the country is burning, while people are trying to hold onto life half-hungry and half-full, and while they cannot feed their children properly, it turns out this person has been pulling the wool over all our eyes with the theatrical play he is performing.
He has no intention of saving the country from the edge of the cliff or being a balm for the wounds of my fellow citizens.
It is now clear as day.
His primary duty is to pull the wool over the eyes of those who pin their hopes on the CHP as the opposition of His Majesty, to stage a new play every day, to stall my fellow citizens, and to allow the political Islamists to suck the marrow out of the country's bones.
Don't say, "Come on, it's not that bad"; how do you explain his instruction to CHP deputies via SMS to "stand up" when Tayyip came to the Grand National Assembly, and his desperate defense of his decision while ignoring all the reactions?
What was it? They couldn't show disrespect to the office.
He cannot be unaware that there is no longer an "office representing the state" after the transition to Tayyip's one-man regime and his becoming a partisan president.
He knows it perfectly well, but because he cannot get rid of the Tayyip complex in his mind, he produces meaningless excuses for himself.
He is constantly looking for opportunities to curry favor with Tayyip.
For example, he went out and concerned himself with defending the government in the Türkevi matter in America. Whenever he goes abroad, he shields Tayyip with his own chest.
Yet, giving and receiving bribes and engaging in corruption is a crime everywhere in the world.
The names of Bilal Erdoğan and Esra Albayrak are also mentioned in the bribery and corruption investigation conducted in America.
The FBI has collected a lot of evidence that New York Mayor Eric Adams granted favors to some Turkish businessmen and Turkish foundations in exchange for free luxury travel, vacations, and donations. It has exposed a bribery network established ten years ago.
While all this is out in the open, and these allegations are dragging the country's reputation through the mud, why does Özgür Özel bother to keep the government clean?
This shouldn't just be a matter of getting a nice "well done" from Tayyip.
It is clear that he sees his political future in the political Islamists.
Before concluding this article, it is worth reminding Özgür Özel: the success on March 31 did not come from the CHP's party program, its promises, or the charisma of names within the party; the CHP won this success because it took a strong stance against Tayyip and was seen as a reliable party in the opposition. The voter cast their ballot for the CHP because they believed it would not stand with the government.
Let us ask: if my fellow citizens knew that Özgür Özel was calculating to take refuge under Tayyip's wings by calling it "normalization" and to go with the flow of the government—in short, that his entire politics was just a play—would they have voted for the CHP again on March 31?
We leave the answer to the discernment of our readers and put a period to our article.
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