Republicanism, nationalism, and populism

In recent years, there has been a noticeable increase in the interest of young people, particularly in Atatürk, Turkish history, the Committee of Union and Progress (İttihat ve Terakki), and, in the context of the leftist interpretation of Atatürkism, Doğan Avcıoğlu. This is a beautiful and positive development. Since the state elite (rical-i devlet) have distanced themselves from Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk for a long time, Atatürk is being embraced by the bosom of the nation (sine-i millet) much more strongly than before. 

There are very few people who do not get teary-eyed or feel a swell of pride when they hear the slogan on the lips of young people: “Enver, Cemal, Talat… Union, Union, Union.” Every Turk who possesses a consciousness of homeland, nation, and history; every Republican who is bound to their country and nation with infinite, boundless love, respect, affection, and loyalty, takes pride in these young people. 

There is, of course, another beautiful aspect to this orientation in society, and specifically among the youth. 

In recent years, the importance of the direct relationship between Atatürk, the Republic, fully independent and anti-imperialist Turkish nationalism, secularism, patriotism, populism, and public-mindedness (kamuculuk) is being better understood. 

That is why the value of Mustafa Kemal Pasha’s view of economic independence as the foundation of political and military independence is being understood more clearly. 

That is why it is being remembered and reminded more often that the Republic—which some dismiss, belittle, and scorn by calling it a “trauma,” “a wreck,” “an advertising break,” or “a parenthesis”—established 46 factories in 15 years between 1923 and 1938, wove the motherland with iron nets (railways), and defeated epidemic diseases. 

That is why Republicanism, which is also planning and public-mindedness, is being understood and embraced more clearly not only in its political and social dimensions but also in its class, economic, and cultural aspects. 

It is certainly no coincidence that Republicans are the ones who resist identity politics, privatization, imperialist aggression, and lawlessness the most. This objection cannot be explained solely by the number of Republicans or their accumulated experience in struggle. It also demonstrates their level of consciousness. Because the issue does not only have national dimensions; it also has class dimensions. It must be emphasized that inequality and injustice are the negative factors that erode and decay the Republic the most. 

Following the pursuit of the free market, free trade, and free competition by liquidating equality, public-mindedness, collectivism, and populism; defending the unlimited domination, unlimited enrichment, and unlimited freedom of capital; and surrendering to IMF and World Bank prescriptions have caused the greatest harm to the Republic. Because it has done so, the number of those who defend fallacies, superstitions, and dogmas against reason and science; lies against the truth; and selfishness, individualism, corner-cutting, and lawlessness against organized political, social, and class struggle has increased significantly. 

The importance of the principle of statism

Because Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk knew the class basis of republicanism and nationalism very well, he emphasized statism and populism with care, priority, and importance. That is why the principles of statism and revolutionism were adopted together at the CHP congress in 1931. 

Immediately following this move came the 1st Five-Year Industrial Plan, adopted in 1933 and implemented between 1934 and 1938. It had an approach based on import substitution. It aimed to spread industry across the country. The importance of the credit, technical assistance, and expert support received from the USSR in the implementation of this industrial plan is significant. 

Statism is the longest arrow among the six arrows of the CHP, the one with a notch at the bottom. This arrow is the fourth when counted from the top and the third when counted from the bottom, with the notch at the bottom symbolizing the private sector. The person who designed the six-arrow party flag is İsmail Hakkı Tonguç, who is identified with the Village Institutes, went down in history as the architect of these institutions, and was from the Painting-Crafts department of the Gazi Education Institute. The adoption of the principles of statism and revolutionism at the 3rd Congress in 1931, following the principles of republicanism, nationalism, populism, and secularism adopted at the 2nd Congress in 1927 (the congress where Atatürk read his Nutuk), is of course also related to the Great Economic Depression of 1929. At the 4th Congress in 1935 (the last congress Atatürk attended), the 6 principles were defined as Kemalism. They were also incorporated into the constitution in 1937.  

In this context, Sümerbank, established in 1933, opened 13 facilities between 1933 and 1939, primarily in textiles. The Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey was established in 1930. Türkiye İş Bankası was established in 1924, Etibank in 1935, and the Municipalities Bank (later renamed İller Bankası, today's İlbank) in 1933. During that period, great importance was given to maintaining budget balance and the balance of external payments. External debt was avoided as much as possible. A balanced budget was prioritized. Thanks to this, even though the young Republic paid off Ottoman debts (the first external debt taken in 1854 was closed in 1954), abolished the Tithe (Aşar) tax, which was an important source of income for the state, and could not fully control its customs until 1929 due to the Treaty of Lausanne, it was less affected by the Great Depression of 1929 and was able to make significant industrial breakthroughs. Moreover, it achieved a high growth rate and took important steps in terms of capital accumulation and industrial infrastructure.  

Not equal citizenship, but the equality of citizens

While explaining the ideological and class dimension of the Republic, it is also necessary to dwell on the concept of equal citizenship, which is constantly on the tongues of the government and the opposition. 

Because equal citizenship is a concept positioned exactly against the Republic. Because when equal citizenship is in question, two different and two equal definitions of citizenship will be made in the constitution. There will be a second identity in the constitution besides the Turkish nation, Turkish identity, and Turkish citizen, and it will be under constitutional guarantee. Therefore, the definition of equal citizenship is a very flawed definition. This definition includes the equality of more than one identity, citizen identity, and national identity, and that too on a constitutional level. 

The equality of citizens, on the other hand, is the equality of all citizens before the constitution and the laws. It is the absence of discrimination among citizens based on race, religion, sect, lineage, region, or origin. Furthermore, citizenship, by its nature and definition, contains equality. 

The Republic addresses the citizen. It recognizes the citizen. It is not concerned with the citizen's sub-identity, religious, sectarian, or ethnic identity. 

Let us repeat: equal citizenship prioritizes identity politics and paves the way for division and separatism. The equality of citizens, however, is democratic, populist, and defends national integrity and social cohesion. 

In the Republic, the state has economic and social duties and responsibilities toward its citizens to reinforce the equality of citizens. The state, especially the social state, is obliged to ensure that its citizens live in physical and mental health, to meet their housing needs, to provide for their social security needs, and to provide educational services. Therefore, the state cannot be content with providing rights and freedoms in the classical sense. Besides these, and to ensure that they are truly used by the citizens, there are things the state must do. 

In summary, the Republic cannot sacrifice society to the market. It cannot abandon its citizens to the mercy of the free market. The market cannot be left unchecked.