Both the events unfolding in our immediate vicinity, particularly in the Middle East, and what we have witnessed within our own country demonstrate the immense disasters that the politicization of sub-identities can lead to.
Because when ethnic, religious, and sectarian affiliations, sensitivities, and identities become politicized, they are very easily exploited by imperialism. US imperialism does everything in its power to pit nations against one another and to encourage and incite the people of the same land to slaughter each other.
Yet our Republic set out with a national identity, a citizen identity, and a supra-identity. My mentor Attila İlhan, whom I remember with mercy and longing, used to emphasize that a Republican must, first and foremost, possess a consciousness of homeland, nation, and history. He always underscored that our Republic, whose 100th anniversary we celebrated, aimed to raise generations possessing this consciousness. How much have we achieved this goal? Let us discuss it…
First, the Republic desires Republican citizens in their consciousness, memory, and hearts.
Second, the Republic is respectful of the local, but it does not place it above the general or the national. It does not place sub-identity above supra-identity.
Third, the Republic is against the politicization of ethnic, religious, sectarian, and regional affiliations, as well as hometown-based relationships. It opposes affiliation with and representation based on lineage, tribe, religion, race, sect, region, or color. It knows the citizen. It recognizes the citizen. It treats the citizen as its interlocutor. Therefore, in the Republic, there is no Alevi judge, Sunni teacher, Laz doctor, Kurdish prosecutor, or lawyer from Rize. There is a judge, a teacher, a doctor, a prosecutor, and a lawyer. All of these are citizens. Those who work in the public sector are citizens providing public service.
Fourth, the Republic attaches great importance to the representation of citizens. Specifically, each of our provinces elects a different number of deputies. But that deputy represents not just their own province, but primarily the Turkish Nation. The legitimacy, legality, and prestige of a deputy do not come from their stature or their lineage, but from being elected by the nation and representing the national will.
Fifth, the Republic consists of citizens who are jealous and sensitive regarding the independence, integrity, sovereignty, and political unity of the Turkish State and the Turkish Nation. The wholeness of the state, the unity of the nation, and the integrity of the country are essential.
Sixth, the Republic is against opening the door to federalism through feudalism. It accepts differences and local characteristics. But it opposes division, fragmentation, separation, and polarization through the exploitation, agitation, and provocation of these differences.
Seventh, the Republic is the state of the Turkish Nation, not of communities, clusters, or groups. It consists of citizens, not communities, clusters, or groups.
Eighth, the Republic favors a public-oriented, populist, and collectivist economic order. A liberal may view poverty as natural. They may want the poor to seize the opportunities that come their way to become rich, or at least to fend for themselves. A Republican, by nature, is populist. By definition, they are public-oriented and egalitarian. They favor social benefit, the common good, and the social state.
Ninth, the Republic views secularism, among its other aspects, as an indispensable element of democracy and the foundation of social peace. As Régis Debray stated in his important book "I Explain the Republic to My Daughter" (Kontiki Yay, Istanbul, 1998), "secularism is the equivalent of freedom, democracy is the equivalent of equality, and sociality is the equivalent of fraternity."
And the Republic defends the equality of citizens. It is indifferent and impartial toward the sub-identities and political preferences of citizens. What it expects from the citizen is loyalty and respect for the law.
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