Seeking power outside the 'reasonable opposition': The building is collapsing

You cannot draw a straight line with a crooked ruler... That is what they say, and they say it often. Fine...

But what, or who, does the crooked ruler correspond to in the established social order?

Is the "crooked ruler" a political orientation? Or are certain organizations, parties, or politicians themselves crooked?

What is crooked is the reasonable opposition of the established system: the party, the politician, or the militant, etc... Those specific institutions and/or individuals are the crooked ruler themselves. You cannot draw a straight line with them.

Very well.

This is clear: Since 2002, the regime in Turkey has been a type of monarchy that has managed to receive approval from the ballot box as a result of strange manipulations. That is why we call it the Abdul Hamid III regime. This reality is known as much by the government as it is by its well-behaved opposition, or rather, its complementary part. Concepts like "Reis" (The Chief) and "one-man regime" are not setting the agenda for nothing.

Is that all?

The sultan and Erdoğan motifs that have graced the covers of the media in democratic Europe—which performs somersaults in front of the Turkish-Kurdish opposition (which views the Republic of Turkey as an anomaly)—are also part of this acceptance. They accept it. That is why the AKP government has not faced any serious objection from the outside. Serious? I mean, we have never encountered an objection where the West has implemented serious sanctions. They just keep talking. The US is one thing, but the EU is much more supportive of this "Abdul Hamid III administration." We know that keeping migrants in Turkey is the most important reason for this.

One way or another, over a quarter of a century (the AKP government), all of Turkey's republican institutions have been liquidated. Society has been Islamized; at least half of it has been "tamed." The other half continues to resist. This is a coup, or rather, a "permanent counter-revolution." A coup that also uses the ballot box: an Islamist coup that relies more on the judiciary, the police, and privatized security forces than on military uniforms and authority. A coup based on constant electoral successes.

So be it. But times are changing. Or rather, the space is cracking.

Deep-seated objections have begun to emerge from within regarding these cracks. These people view both the historical party in the hands of the "butlancı" (those who rely on the ballot box) and the "new" party suddenly brought onto the stage by a team that emerged from within them as part of the big game. They have the right to do so. Looking at what is happening, they have more than enough reason.

One of the biggest reactions is the People's Assembly of Turkey and the Republicans' Congress.

Furthermore, young lawyer Muhammed Akdoğan and his circle in Ankara have been drawing attention to a distortion for months. He reminds us that we can repeat a "break" that began in 1919 under today's conditions. He organizes discussion meetings that do not attract much attention and argues that the pain threshold has long been crossed, and that this collapse can no longer be prevented by manipulated ballot boxes and election games.

One of the intellectuals who took the floor at those Ankara meetings to express his views is Prof. Dr. Ahmet Saltık. Prof. Dr. Saltık, who can be said to represent an "advanced Kemalism" that could also be called Left Kemalism, reminded us yesterday in the Cumhuriyet newspaper that Turkey, which is deemed suitable for a "merciful monarchy," is tumbling into an abyss due to a power vacuum, and wrote, "This Parliament no longer represents national sovereignty; it has broken away!" Expressing the view that a "National Salvation Assembly is a serious option" with the responsibility of an intellectual, Dr. Saltık expressed the opinion that the real objection would emerge from such an institutionalization. He underscored that the remedy for a fully independent, secular, populist administration, and most importantly, a public-oriented economy, can no longer be expected from the manipulated ballot box and the reasonable opposition.

Are these people alone? Should they be left alone? Is there something wrong with their assessments?

Should Turkey spend its time with the government and the "new" toys of the "butlancı" and their protégés who have become its playthings, or should it pray for the government?

Intellectuals who see the dimensions of the decay, and even some segments of the working class (for example, miners who have their backs to the wall), are turning toward real solutions. The number of those who argue that a break based on the genuine needs and demands of the poor people can take place in the streets, workplaces, schools, and public spaces, including stadiums, and that the ballot box and parliament are in the hands of the monarchy (Abdul Hamid III) and open to all kinds of manipulation, is increasing. This view seems to have become more widespread after the yes-no maneuvers of the New Party.

It is much easier to secure a parliamentary seat with leftist slogans. If nothing is being done other than trampling on the people's suffering, and if today's "Father Gapons" who flee from protest marches have surrounded the place and some of them have managed to secure seats, the demands for a complete break from the system must be taken seriously.

What would Europe say to such an independence and break? The US seems to be getting into a real mess; it is unknown if it has the strength for these places. It attacked Iran and disgraced itself. But Europe? It can already be predicted that the Europe of Germany will show harsh reactions to these quests.

At this very point, we will witness the divergence between those who are "scared" and those who do not turn back from the path they have taken. We know. We recognize them. Hadn't we seen these reactions in 1920 as well?

Again: Take the Eurasia map in front of you. There are three major language and cultural circles. On the far right is the Russian cultural sphere. It has its intellectuals. On the left is the German cultural sphere and its intellectuals. The only cultural and language circle of this magnitude is Turkish. Incredible intellectual breaks and successes emerged from all three of these circles: 1917, 1923, and 1949.

These three intellectual circles, with the support of the working people, gave birth to progressive republics despite imperialism.

We must now say that those seeking a break have a historical and current justification.

This cannot go on like this. Can the responsibility of opposition and the republic be left to some incompetent careerists who have lost the ability to learn?

This is a terrible pressure. You are right. Moreover, it appears that it is not refreshing rains that will follow this distress, but storms whose intensity we cannot yet predict.

We need to be ready for this. We have the right to seek new paths outside of the reasonable and condemned opposition (3M).

We are not condemned to incompetent weathercocks (crooked rulers) who supposedly object to Abdul Hamid III but are not much different from him.