Özgür Özel: MIT Chief to give presentation at CHP

CHP Chairman Özgür Özel was a guest on journalist Özlem Gürses's YouTube channel.

When asked, "Will there be a presidential change in Cyprus?" Özel gave the following response:

"It is possible. In the polls, the CTP candidate, Mr. Tufan, is ahead. They are competing against the current President. Of course, if Cyprus politics were left to its own devices, it would be very different, but Turkey's interventions are always influential. It will be a very contested race. The CTP is our sister party. It is our party with which we are together in the Socialist International, but as the CHP, we are sisters with the CTP, but we are also relatives with all of Cyprus.

"WHAT IS NORMAL? FOR EXAMPLE, THE CHP CHAIRMAN ATTENDING THE CYPRUS PEACE OPERATION COMMEMORATION"

When asked, "For a long time, as the CHP and starting with your CHP chairmanship, a vision or perhaps a perspective that tries to look at issues from a slightly higher vantage point has emerged. You also described this as normalization. Are we turning back from those points?" Özel replied:

"Because of the obsession with cramming everything into one word, a very legitimate question comes to mind when you first hear it, along the lines of 'Are you going to normalize with these people?' The patent for this word 'normalization' in Turkish politics belongs to me in the recent period. Mr. Tayyip preferred 'softening' instead of this. He was even saying things like the opposition softening, and I was objecting to that. What I am saying is this: this is the normal. What is the normal? For example, the CHP Chairman attending Cyprus's Republic Day, the Cyprus Peace Operation commemoration, having good relations with Azerbaijan, not being in conflict with Azerbaijan, serving as a vice president in the Socialist International, and pursuing an active foreign policy. It is normal for the main opposition party in Turkey to be in a position to defend Turkey's interests, while certainly not being in a position to defend the government's mistakes abroad. This is the normal.

"BEING COMPLICIT IN MR. TAYYİP'S 22 YEARS OF MISTAKES... THERE IS NO SUCH THING"

Regarding the statement, "For example, when you went to Cyprus, the ambassador of that period did not come to welcome you. You never changed your opinion or your perspective," Özel continued:

"They came today. For example, the ambassador of that time did not come; he is somewhere else now. We had serious disagreements with today's ambassador when he was a Deputy Minister in Turkey, but today, the embassy staff welcomed us at the airport, accompanied us, and saw us off. This is what is normal. It is impossible for me to accept the opposite. I am the main opposition party of Turkey. I am the leader of the main opposition. I am the chairman of the party that will be in power a year from now. There is no such thing as them not welcoming me in Cyprus. That is why, without fighting, by showing my reaction, when I go, I visit the President, I visit the Speaker of the Parliament, I visit the main opposition leader. I visit other opposition parties. I mean, this is the normal.

In domestic politics, the chairmen of the country's leading party and the main opposition party for general elections, or the first and second parties for local elections, should not refuse to shake hands at Anıtkabir. On the greatest day of mourning. Or they should not look at each other coldly or refuse to shake hands at a martyr's funeral. I do not find this normal. Mr. Tayyip had found it normal until today. I do not. I said that since I became the first party of this country after 47 years, and since we made Mr. Tayyip the second party after 22 years, it falls to me to make the call on this holiday. This is what I mean by 'this is the normal'.

Otherwise, being complicit in Mr. Tayyip's 22 years of mistakes, or being held accountable for what he has made Turkey experience—there is no such thing. Normalization is neither a search for an alliance, nor a coalition, nor a grand coalition. Normalization is the next government requesting information about the state from the current government, pursuing an active stance on foreign policy, and, to be frank, it is overcoming an authoritarian, populist leader and being able to talk to their base. When you do not stand up when that leader comes to Parliament—I experienced this personally.

"NORMALIZATION IS BEING ABLE TO TALK TO THE AK PARTY'S VOTERS DESPITE MR. TAYYİP"

I said that this choice of not standing up—yes, I defended it at first or I implemented it myself. But the nation perceives it as an insult to itself. It shuts off its perception. I said, 'They turn their faces away, they turn a deaf ear to us.' Therefore, it is not about the person himself, but out of respect for those who elected him, to be in a dialogue to establish a relationship with those who elected him. This is not compromising. It is not about not criticizing. Especially not, as some say, softening or doing soft opposition. What nonsense.

Normalization is being able to talk to the AK Party's voters despite Mr. Tayyip. Normalization is being able to make one's voice heard by MHP members even if the MHP Chairman does not want it, being able to make one's voice heard by bypassing Devlet Bahçeli. That is why they have imprisoned so much in one word. Actually, it is like this. The word normalization came out like this. Let me finish with my first statement. We said, 'This is the normal, my brother.' When we come to power, the President of this country will meet with the main opposition party. Ministers will provide regular information. I know that this polarization benefits the AK Party and Mr. Tayyip, but it does not benefit all of Turkey. I am fighting against that."

"I SET OUT SAYING I WILL MAKE SACRIFICES IF NECESSARY, I WILL TAKE RESPONSIBILITY IF NECESSARY"

When faced with the statement, "The allegations went as far as this: You were actually Bahçeli's candidate. Bahçeli supported you. Now the scenario is that you are sitting in that seat so that Erdoğan can be elected once again, just as it was said to Mr. Kılıçdaroğlu in the past," Özel responded:

"God forbid. When I think about when I announced my candidacy for the Chairmanship, I think I did it at the age of 8 or 9. From my current analysis regarding the Chairmanship, I see this: One day we are going to our village in Manisa for the holiday. There are uncles in the village; they are right-wing. Demirel supporters, and my father is a staunch leftist. My mother says to my father on the minibus, 'Talat, look, don't start a fight on a holiday, don't start a political argument.' We went, and as on every holiday, a right-left argument started in the fifth minute. I was small too. I said, 'Don't do this.' Then I said, 'What does right mean, what does left mean?' My late uncle said, 'Look, my son, your father and his friends are leftists. They change sides four times while watching a football match.' I was surprised. 'They support whoever falls behind,' he said. 'They never know how to win. We always win,' he said.

I thought about it. I also support the team that is falling behind. So, I am a leftist too. Then I said to myself, it crossed my mind several times, what my uncle always said: 'Why are we good people, but we always support the loser? And we are losing. We need to win,' I said. Then I forgot this for years. When I analyze the moment I decided to run for Chairman, that is, June 2023, I set out saying, 'We are so right, yet how are we losing? We must win now, and I must take responsibility,' saying I will make sacrifices if necessary, I will take responsibility if necessary."

"THIS IS OUR GOAL"

Özel responded to the question, "So you were not Ekrem İmamoğlu's candidate?" as follows:

"No. Ekrem Bey and I had a shared sentiment. We still do. It is this: we are two people who trust and support each other. For example, I was one of those who defended him best in Parliament when his rights were violated, and Ekrem Bey was one of those who understood me best. But after losing the May 28 elections, Ekrem Bey also reacted. I also believed that there needed to be a change in the party within 10-15 days—there is no need to go into the details of that process. I saw that we did not have a common will on that issue. I set out on the point of change. The path Ekrem Bey took and the path we took were common. We had a shared sentiment and we walked the path together. We are still continuing to walk the path together. Our common sentiment is to make Atatürk's party the ruling party again in the second century of the Republic. To make those who support the losers, those who support the oppressed, the champions this time. This is our goal."

"THE CHP DOES NOT HAVE A CONGRESS DEBATE"

When asked about the congress debates, Özel replied:

"We left those behind. We left them behind in two ways. First, we were already holding a congress. A Statute Congress. Rumors emerged there. When pens close to the AK Party said there was a demand for a congress, we made a congress decision in the party assembly. According to our statute, if the party assembly makes a decision, it can do so without an election. It can only take the party to a congress with a chairman election. I said, 'Friends, I am not putting it to your vote; I am making the congress decision alone.' So that anyone who wants to can add an election clause. That is, if our delegates wanted an election, an election could have been held.

In that congress, it was said that there were 600-700 delegates opposed to Özgür Özel. The statute passed as we said and proposed with 1,200 votes against 36. Today, there are not 700 or even 70 signatures. There are not even 70 signatures, there are not seven signatures. One of those sources is not CHP. Turn around and look. If they are CHP, tell me. From those sources, for example. Let them come and take the chairmanship immediately. There is no such thing. There are not even seven signatures. Because those signatures must be given to a notary within 15 days.

We left these debates in the past process. This was seen both in the statute congress and subsequently when there were some demands last week, I said I am ending this debate now. Because I have had enough. Then, 81 provincial chairmen—46 of them were not on my side in the last congress. 35 were on my side, 46 were against me. The next morning I said, '81 provincial chairmen, we will walk the path together.' Since that day, we have been working together. They wrote a declaration in recent days. They said, 'We trust the chairman; it is not a demand for a congress on the street, but the footsteps of our coming to power that are heard. We will all work together,' they said.

Gökhan Günaydın is my deputy. I mean, could such a thing happen? All of these are pens sympathetic to the AK Party and some people spoiled by them who seem to be party members but, for example, a man who did not vote for us on May 14 has now become a party member. Those who manage such insane troll accounts. The result is this: let me say this much. The CHP does not have a congress debate. There is one clear thing. What is not on the street cannot be in the congress hall. What is not in the congress hall cannot be anywhere in the party. Today, there is no such debate.

There are no seven signatures given, as I said, and it is not possible to have 70 signatures in total. Because in this party, among our congress delegates, there are not 70 delegates who would say, 'Let's pull the party down by its legs with internal conflicts' today, when the party is this strong, when it is the first party, when it is breaking the mold for the first time by talking about the economy, talking about poverty, talking about retiree salaries and minimum wage, and when the CHP is setting the agenda on the street and in the market."

"MR. KEMAL KNOWS THE PARTY IS IN SAFE HANDS"

When asked, "For the periods when Kılıçdaroğlu would leave the CHP Chairmanship, you were seen as his heir in a sense, and your name was always mentioned in entrusting the party. Is it still like that today? Or has your relationship been wounded, bruised, are there resentments or grudges?" Özel replied:

"Our base was constantly associating me with the Chairmanship. I was not the profile the Chairman described. I was not the one he described as having an economics education, young, and someone who would be loved by those who know him. We know who it is, but it is not my job to say that now. But during the time I worked with the Chairman, I never let his word fall to the ground. Everyone knows that during the time I served as Group Deputy Chairman in Mr. Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu's Central Executive Board (MYK), I was someone who objected the most, spoke up, put forward different ideas, but who stood by the decision made inside to the end outside, and who had party discipline. This is the right thing anyway.

At the point reached today, my respect, esteem, and love for Mr. Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu are infinite. I do not know if there has been a change in his feelings about me, but Mr. Kılıçdaroğlu knows that I am a very good party member and that I am a fanatical party member, except for the party's interest, and I am devastated when the party is unsuccessful, and I strive for the party's success. I think Mr. Kemal knows that the party is in safe hands and has no problem with this."

"WE CAN WIN AFTER GETTING RID OF OLD DISEASES"

When asked, "Looking back today at the night the elections were lost, would you like to say something that has not been said until today?" Özel replied:

"I am the chairman so that neither a dissident journalist, nor a group deputy chairman, nor any young person voting for the first time, nor an elderly member who says, 'If I die without seeing us in power, I will have regrets,' will shed tears again. Very clear. On the night of March 31, we shed tears again, but we all shed tears of joy. The most enjoyable moment of March 31 was when I got on top of the bus; for the first time since it was built, the area around that building was that crowded. The garden of that building, people were crushing each other, the roads between them, and everywhere was full. And I just showed the lights of the party that were on. Three out of four people below were almost crying. This is a different feeling, and we can win. It has been 47 years. With self-confidence, by believing in ourselves, we can win. We can win after getting rid of old diseases. Learned helplessness, making the expected move. Play a chess game with a computer; look, if you make the move the computer expects, it immediately responds to you. You have to make surprising moves. You have to break the mold."

"IN THE END, I HAVE NO REASON TO BEAR A GRUDGE AGAINST SOMEONE I CALLED SISTER, I DO NOT BEAR A GRUDGE AGAINST ANYONE"

When asked, "Have you ever met with Akşener?" Özel replied:

"I only called her on the holiday and New Year's, I met through Esma Hanım. I do not have such a thing; do you know what my wife gets most angry at me for? She says, 'You forgive too quickly.' She says, 'Let them anger you as much as they want, let them do evil. You forgive with a smile like this.' My nature is like that. One who does not know how to make peace will not fight. I never, ever bear a grudge. Also, there is something like this: Meral Hanım is someone who once kissed my mother's hand. My mother is a retired teacher; they met in Parliament, she turned and kissed my mother's hand. She said, 'I put you in my sister's place,' our relationship was very good. Then, on the campaign trail, she was a bit angry. We talked about an alliance, it didn't happen. They said something, we couldn't agree. Afterwards, they hardened, and I said, 'Whatever she says to me, may you be well.' Then she left politics, she left the chairmanship. In the end, I have no reason to bear a grudge against someone I called sister; I do not bear a grudge against anyone."

"HE SAYS, 'WE EVEN RISKED RELEASING ÖCALAN FOR ERDOĞAN TO BE RE-ELECTED'"

When asked, "What do you think Bahçeli, or rather the government, is trying to do today?" Özel replied:

"As the Chairman of a party, I do not dabble in an area that political commentators or journalists should do. I mean, while there is so much uncertainty right now, I cannot say anything by saying 'in my opinion.' If I have an idea, I would like to keep it to myself and my party. When no one is showing their hand, why should I try to read their closed hands? Why should they know my thoughts and ideas? That is why I cannot answer this question sincerely. But there is something like this.

What Bahçeli is trying to do should be asked to Bahçeli, and where Erdoğan stands should be asked to Erdoğan by real journalists. It cannot be asked on the plane. Our friend Hilal made an attempt, and he advised her to quit the profession. But let me say this much: there is a personal calculation, there are clearly some meetings, and let me tie the issue to Mr. Bahçeli's words. Last week he said—that is, not in the last but in the previous group speech—he said, 'What would happen if Öcalan came and spoke here, if terrorism ended, and if the constitution changed for Erdoğan and he was elected once more.' What does this mean? He is saying, 'We even risked releasing Öcalan for Erdoğan to be re-elected.' It is that clear. If they say the opposite, let them deny it; they are not saying it."

"THEY ARE MOCKING THE INTELLIGENCE OF THIS NATION"

When asked about Mehmet Uçum's comment, Özel said:

"If any opposition journalist said one-tenth of this as a comment, they would be taken from Vatan to Çağlayan, and from Çağlayan to Silivri right now. The worst part is, they are really mocking the intelligence of this nation. They call DEM a terrorist organization. However, DEM is a political party, but the debates of 'Do you accept the PKK as a terrorist organization, say this' are in reserve. But they have always done these things. But a political party, it has the competence to enter elections, the state has given a clean record to all its deputies and mayors from the courthouse. They call it a 'terrorist organization' and do not take it as an interlocutor, and they call the PKK a 'political formation.' They are mocking the intelligence of this nation. It is impossible to accept this."

“THE MIT CHIEF WILL COME TO THE CHP THIS WEEK TO GIVE A PRESENTATION AND ANSWER OUR QUESTIONS”

When asked about the MIT Chief's 'visit to the CHP,' Özel replied:

"We have not received information from MIT yet. We will plan it within this week. It stems from this: MIT went to the AK Party Central Executive Board (MKYK) and gave a presentation. İbrahim Bey, at the AK Party building. I also wrote a letter; I did not say that letter immediately, I mean I sent it to MIT, I did not communicate it immediately. So that it does not become tabloidized, so that it maintains its seriousness. In the letter, I said, 'If there is information to be given to the second party of the country's last elections, why are you withholding it from the first party? If this information is a special issue like FETÖ, if it is specific to the AK Party, announce it to the public so we all know.'

I mean, there is a situation where the AK Party needs to be warned about FETÖ, if you do not see a need for the CHP for this. Just clarify the situation for me a bit. And I said, 'If you are giving a presentation, come and give this presentation to us too.' Mr. İbrahim Kalın also, with great courtesy, we first said hello at the October 29 ceremony, then he turned and came to my side. He said, 'I received your letter, you are right. We have a busy schedule next week,' he had free days, but I was busy on those days. He said, 'Let's come at a convenient time and give a presentation; we would like to give a presentation.' We talked about this.

Mansur Bey heard about this, and while Mansur Bey was telling a journalist friend, he said, 'Mr. Özgür met with the MIT Undersecretary.' Since that October 29 meeting happened 1-2 days after October 29, they understood it as a phone call and said, 'The MIT Undersecretary called Özgür Özel on the phone.' Whereas we met face to face, we met at Anıtkabir, on October 29. But within the coming week, that is, the week we are entering, the MIT Chief will come to the CHP to give a presentation and answer our questions. We have not set an agenda."

"WHICH TERRORIST ORGANIZATION WILL THEY ASSOCIATE MANSUR YAVAŞ WITH?"

Özel's answers regarding the appointment of trustees and questions on the agenda are as follows:

"In democracies, a court decides whether someone is guilty or not, and with the finalization of the decision, if that guilty person is a mayor, they leave their post. A new one is elected from within the council in their place. During the FETÖ period, with the state of emergency authority we objected to, with the state of emergency decree laws, they took an authority, supposedly to clean up FETÖ members, etc. We seriously objected to the state of emergency authority, as you know. Currently, with an authority remaining from that day, if a mayor is accused of terrorism—look, not the result of the court, they appoint a trustee at the investigation-prosecution stage. The problem is here. That is why, let's say the CHP took this authority tomorrow—we wouldn't do it, but while it is with us. We wanted to say, 'Look at the AK Party municipalities and see how it is done.'

Doesn't every one of them have a history of spooning maklube with the Fethullah Gülen Community 10 years ago, or sitting in the stadium at the Turkish Olympiads? All of them. We could appoint trustees to all AK Party municipalities one by one, and take all the municipalities in the hands of the AK Party with the deputy governors and district governors we want. This authority allows for this. The AK Party has condescended to this in Esenyurt right now. Among the reasons for our mayor's arrest, there is the allegation that he is a DEM Party member; he has been a CHP member for 10 years. It was an unexplained money transfer; it turned out that his daughter's rent was deposited into her father's account. Now they are trying to invent a secret witness, as always.

I am trying to express this. What the AK Party and MHP are trying to do today is a perception operation. It is an intimidation operation. Which of our municipalities will they associate with what terrorism? Which terrorist organization will they associate Mansur Yavaş with? I do not recommend it at all. This issue they are trying to do is not against me, our mayor, or our party; it is a usurpation of the national will against the voters who elected those mayors, and the penalty for this is very heavy.

"IF THE ISSUE OF APPOINTING TRUSTEES CONTINUES, IF YOU LOOK AT IT FROM A UTILITARIAN PERSPECTIVE, THIS IS VERY BENEFICIAL FOR US"

We are having polls conducted in Esenyurt, and they are too. While they were not letting a deputy into the Esenyurt Municipality in violation of the Constitution, first letting the deputies in, of course with resistance and desire, our Istanbul Provincial Chairman and the struggle of our deputies is very important. Now they are letting the municipal council members, whom they did not let onto the street, into the hall where they tore down the sign. Why? The reaction to the issue in Esenyurt is close to 80 percent. Look, we won the election with 50 percent, the reaction is close to 80. Because the municipal council members elected by Esenyurt are CHP members. They are sitting in Esenyurt Square under the cold. They are not entering the municipality they were elected to. Even though their municipal council memberships continue. The reaction is 80 percent.

They canceled Ekrem İmamoğlu's mandate in Turkey. There was a 13 thousand difference. Ekrem İmamoğlu won with a 608 thousand difference. What does this mean? Could we have done such a campaign in 40 days? This means this: 'I make the decision,' says the nation. If a trustee is appointed, I will be sad for Turkey if another trustee is appointed. But if the issue of appointing trustees continues, if you look at it from a utilitarian perspective, this is very beneficial for us."

“IF THEY DARE, WE WILL FIGHT IN A WAY THEY CANNOT IMAGINE”

I think the Esenyurt İmamoğlu decision is a demo. Since they see 80 percent against them, I think they will not dare to have the İmamoğlu decision approved either. Because since the nation said DEM, said PKK, said whatever in Esenyurt, and since 80 percent sided with us in Esenyurt, if they try to bring down someone like İmamoğlu, who has defeated the AK Party one, two, three, four times and whose wrist they could not bend, with this game now, I guess 95 percent will stand behind İmamoğlu. That is how it looks. That is why I think their job is not that easy and they will not dare to do it. If they dare, we will fight in a way they cannot imagine."

“WE SAVE ON BREAD, WE DO NOT SAVE ON POLLS”

Özel responded to the question regarding polling studies as follows:

"Mr. Tayyip has been doing this for 22 years. We have been doing it for a year. This is also behind the local election success. In the past, half a percent of the party budget would go to measurement and evaluation. We spent 17 percent of it in these local elections. We save on bread, we do not save on polls. It is such an efficient study. Mehmet Ali Çalışkan is also in a part of the team. There is a very strong team. Mehmet Ali Bey also had incredible contributions before March 31. A very good team, the Research and Reform Institute. We established a measurement and evaluation unit in the CHP's local administrations. We put five professionals at the head of that unit. One of them was Mehmet Ali Bey. A strong team effort. We are second only in Betimar with a small difference of 0.7. Other than that, we are first in all the polls I have seen. In Panorama, the AK Party was ahead last month; this month we have moved ahead. We received the presentation yesterday. We are ahead this month. Since March, we have been looking at all trends with the average of six firms. We only fell in September. We held a congress. We turned inward.

“EVERYONE SAYS ‘CHP WILL WIN’ BY A WIDE MARGIN TO THE QUESTION ‘WHO DO YOU THINK WILL WIN THE ELECTION’”

In the past, there was something like this in all polls. How is the country? It is going for the worse. Who will fix the country? Still the AK Party. Currently, the CHP is coming out above the AK Party now. 10-12 points. To the question 'Who will pull the country together,' 23 percent said AK Party, 35 percent said CHP. Like 10-12. We are above now. It used to be bad like this. Where is the CHP good? Culture-arts, national education. We were very bad in economy and foreign policy. Now the ranking is not very different, but for example, those who used to say 'The CHP manages the economy well,' let's say it was 19, now it comes out to 35 or so. We have covered a lot of distance gradually, but we need to cover more. We need to continue. For four months, everyone has been saying 'CHP will win' by a wide margin to the question 'Who do you think will win the election.' Since November 20, the CHP's economic staff have been going with 50. To explain 'How will the CHP fix this economy.'

Tomorrow, all our deputies and our entire organization in 50 provinces of Turkey, including Istanbul, are starting street by street, door by door, and for two months they will talk about inflation, minimum wage, retiree salary raises, and the problems of farmers and tradesmen. While the budget is being discussed in Parliament, we will talk about the real problems of the citizens on the street, in the field, in the worker shuttle, in home visits, in coffeehouse conversations, in the village, in the township, in the town."

“WHAT YOU CALL A GENERAL AMNESTY IS AS CRITICAL AS MAKING A CONSTITUTION”

When asked about early elections and general amnesty, Özel replied:

"They are running away from early elections because it appears that in an early election, the CHP will come to power, that is, the parliamentary majority that the CHP will have elected will be provided by the CHP and opposition parties. Otherwise, we want early elections, of course. (General amnesty debates) That is not my topic right now. A general amnesty is a matter of great consensus. What you call a general amnesty is as critical as making a Constitution. The parliamentary majority that a general amnesty needs is 360, the same qualified majority that taking a constitutional amendment to a referendum needs. That is, in the matter of amnesty, the victim of the crime and the relative of the criminal must meet in the same social consensus. That is the essence of the matter. That is why general amnesty debates are not on our agenda today. The demand for a general amnesty is also a very legitimate demand. There are people in prisons in Turkey far above capacity right now. But in these amnesty debates, the feeling of those who say, 'I was hurt, what will happen to me?' is also an extremely legitimate feeling. That is why there is a social consensus. That is why these debates should be handled like making a Constitution. With a consensus that will produce the consent of the entire society."

"THE AK PARTY CANNOT SAY 'I AM CLEAN'"

When asked about the SGK investigations into CHP municipalities, Özel replied:

"There is a big game. The name of the game is this: what the AK Party and MHP are trying to do. 'The pot calls the kettle black.' Currently, the common belief of this society is this: AK Party municipalism was a municipalism that wasted, committed corruption, and transferred resources to supporters. Those who manage municipalities like this—even though we cannot get information from the state, the Court of Accounts' hands are tied, etc.—we know what they did in the state from those gangs of five, from the supporter contractors. The AK Party has no way to say 'We did not do these things' or to convince the citizen. It cannot say 'I am clean.' It says 'They are dirty too.' One should not fall for this game.

There is a CHP municipality that pays salaries to those who have not received salaries for four months before the election, despite such impossibility. They saw that Mr. Tayyip entered a crisis. When they said, 'My brother, these people couldn't turn it around, couldn't they manage it? The citizens' satisfaction is increasing,' they started a new attack. Something will be used as an excuse. Like those concerts. A world of personnel, a world of inspectors have been sent. They say to the inspectors who go, 'Investigate, search, involve them in suspicion.' I also stood up and said to those inspectors, 'You are doing a very sacred duty. You will look at whether there is anyone who spends the state's, the public's resources unfairly or not. We have full confidence. Just do not invent unfair crimes with unlawful orders. Do not slander.' Because they make an allegation. That will stick. It will take months, you will be cleared, but the nation will still remember the slander that stuck. I said, 'I will not forgive the one who does this.' 'Other than that, you have a place on our heads.' Our self-confidence is extremely high. Legality audits can be done on the services of municipalities. Expediency audits cannot be done. Who does the expediency audit? The electing public, in the election. Because they elected. The mayor decides how to spend the money for the public.

"MELİH GÖKÇEK INVESTED 15 PERCENT OR SO OF THE ANKARA RESIDENTS' MONEY INTO DINOSAURS AND SUCH"

They are objecting to the Beykoz Municipality's account. I put it forward. And most of them were made in 2023 and 2022, 24 AK Party municipalities have higher expenditures. There is no inspector for one. There is an inspector for Beykoz. We have 40 files from the Melih Gökçek period. We have 34 files in the IMM from previous periods. No inspector comes and examines that period. 'You spent too much money on October 29 Republic Day.' Mansur Bey explained. Half a percent of his budget. Whereas Melih Gökçek went and invested 15 percent or so of the Ankara residents' money into dinosaurs and such.

Unbelievable things. And one concert there is not 71 million. Three concerts. Three artists, each more important than the other. Stage seven days. 24/7 events, etc. The inspector comes and looks. But let me say this much. Let no one show their stomach ache for the celebration of October 29 as sensitivity over this issue. I say Kocaeli Municipality, there is 180 million or so. They come out and make a statement to me. 'That is not a concert.' What? Event. What event, let them look. Let an inspector go there and look too. Let one inspector go and look at the small municipalities that make expenditures above the expenditures of Mansur Bey and Ekrem Bey. That is why we are fed up with these things.

The difference between the AK Party and the CHP is this. Another thing I always tell my friends. The AK Party does not show dirt. It is already dirty in its essence. If a pencil touches a gray paper, what will be seen? We show dirt if a pencil touches a pure white A4. I said that so everyone would be careful. We wrote to all municipalities about these concerts. We are collecting who they paid what money to. This winter, we will do a strong team effort.

Starting from April 23 next year, if an artist is going to give a concert to a CHP municipality, we will conduct bulk purchasing negotiations according to the scale of the concert and the stage, etc. Prices will be clear. It will be on those standard prices. We even have a structure called SODEM. Maybe we will have SODEM buy the concert in bulk. We will issue the invoice, we will take it. We will have them watch the standard. Because like this, the AK Party says, 'Sir, they are doing it like us too.' We are not like that, my brother. We are incredibly frugal. We are afraid of waste. We do not enrich supporters. We are not the AK Party; we are doing pure CHP municipalism."

“WE HAVE BEEN WAITING FOR FLIGHT PERMISSION FOR FIVE WEEKS”

Özel also responded to the questions about meeting with Trump, visiting Palestine, and meeting with Assad:

"Mahmut Abbas invited us; since there were no scheduled flights, we notified the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs of our plane's tail number. We have been waiting for flight permission for five weeks; as soon as we get it, we will go. Mahmut Abbas is waiting; Mahmut Abbas invited us on the phone; we already wanted to go. Very clear.

Secondly, I spoke with dear İlham Aliyev on the phone the other day, on Victory Day. We decided to plan mutually with him; that visit will take place. They had first asked for an official letter from Assad, then when there was a Russia, Putin, Erdoğan, Assad, etc., they put it on hold. I estimate that within the coming months, two of these three visits will definitely take place, and one will take place conjuncturally.

I did not say, 'I will meet with Trump.' Because I know American politics. Right now, it is in another situation whether Trump will meet with the Turkish government, let alone the Turkish opposition. But after the Trump administration settles in, a strong delegation from the Republican People's Party responsible for foreign relations may go to America to make contacts. Also, some people are trying to infect this issue of meeting with Trump, 'Will Özgür Özel meet with Trump?' Erdoğan had gone and met with the American President while there were months to the elections, and after the elections, he met when he was not Prime Minister and made the commitment for the March 1 memorandum. The March 1 memorandum did not pass through our efforts. If it had passed, the Iraq invasion would have been through the Southeast, and there would still be 100 thousand American soldiers' boots in the Southeast.

That is why, while some are trying to infect the issues of going and meeting with the American administration, let us first remember what Tayyip Erdoğan did before coming to power and what commitments he made to America. If they have the courage, let us disclose the minutes of the March 1 memorandum. It has been 20 years, not 10, since it passed, and the AK Party still votes against the March 1 memorandum every year on March 1, against its disclosure. Why? Because the truth is there. There is Deniz Baykal's speech, there is what Bülent Arınç said while presiding. Abdullah Gül not defending that issue at that time, he even has a passive-aggressive attitude. There are 98 AK Party members who voted against it there. They forget those, 'I wonder if he will manage the CHP with Trump and do something with foreign relations?'

“MANSUR YAVAŞ IS THE CHP'S MAYOR”

Özel also said the following regarding the allegations that Mansur Yavaş will resign:

"Mansur Yavaş is the CHP's Mayor. Despite calls to him from outside the party in the last elections, he said very clearly, 'I am a CHP member.' He is saying the same things now. I have no doubt about Mansur Yavaş's belonging and loyalty to the party. This is the first one.

Secondly, right now, do not take it personally, you are journalists. But who is fueling the debate of 'Who is the CHP's candidate,' who is a part of this, is serving the palace. We are not on the day to debate the CHP's candidate right now. If you must debate, debate who the AKP's candidate is. Because the Directorate of Communications is constantly funding for him, providing support for him, troll armies are being mobilized for him, instructions are going to big columnists every day, unfortunately, friends sympathetic to the opposition are also getting caught in this wind, in this current. Isn't this more correct? We are experiencing an abundance of candidates. This is the strength of the CHP."

“WE DO NOT HAVE SUCH AN AGENDA”

Özel also said the following about the allegations of 'Özgür Özel is close to Ekrem İmamoğlu, distant from the CHP':

"There is no such thing; we do not have such an agenda. Whoever says this? Pens sympathetic to the palace, I mean I don't want to name names now, columnists of the newspapers called the 'flagship' are producing such rumors every day, some from the fringe, some from the headline. Mansur Yavaş never, ever, Ekrem İmamoğlu never, ever has an agenda even one-tenth of what is said. Our friends are busy with their own work.

The essence of the matter is this, I will try to say it once. The AK Party has a candidate problem. Because it has an issue like this. According to the YSK decision, this is Erdoğan's second term—I think it was his third term, but they decided it was his second term. That is, if the election is moved forward by Parliament, he can be a candidate one more time, for the last time. The Constitution says so. If an early election is held, he will be a candidate; if not, he cannot be.

I say to him, 'Look, it is your five years, we are already in a controversial five years, by not passing next November, but preferably, they say, 'Come, let's do it this March, let's do it next March, come on, winter has come, it won't happen.' Let's do it in May, I don't know, let's hold the election around this time next year, you come and be a candidate. Otherwise, don't come six months before the election and stand at our door saying 'I will be a candidate',' I say to Erdoğan.

Erdoğan also said this in the meeting I had with him, in many television interview meetings, or in his public discourse, 'There is a four-year process ahead of us without elections,' he said. That is, this means, 'I am not a candidate.' Because Erdoğan says, 'Elections will be held on time four years later,' right? If he holds it on time, he cannot be a candidate. Then the question is this? Look, they ask me, 'Who is the CHP's candidate?' I have no candidate problem, I have an abundance of candidates.

The question is this: 'Since the elections will be held on time, who is the AK Party's candidate? Is it this Minister of Interior? Is it the previous Minister of Interior with whom he is at daggers drawn? Will Devlet Bey support the previous one? Will the Hak Yolcular support this Minister of Interior? Which of the sons-in-law is the candidate? Well, is there any meaning to the campaign that the Directorate of Communications is conducting, which it conducts actively every day, against the possibility of the current MIT Chief's candidacy? For example, they are afraid of the current MIT Chief. Is the current MIT Chief the candidate, or the previous chief? Is the current Minister of Foreign Affairs the candidate?'

Let's debate these. While the Republican People's Party has no constraints, no problems, everyone is talking about the CHP's candidate, and I am saying this to both those who love the Republican People's Party very much, who are very interested, and those who love to talk about the Republican People's Party. While there is such a fertile, such a productive candidacy debate in the AK Party—one of the men is the former MIT Undersecretary, one is the new MIT Undersecretary. One is the former Minister of Interior, one is the new Minister of Interior. One is the Director of Communications, one side is taking sides. One is Erdoğan's son-in-law, are we going to return to a Middle Eastern country? The son-in-law will bring it. While these debates are going on, to throw the names of two mayors who are busy with their work in front of each other and clash them like eggs... We will solve that job. What have we solved, can't we solve this?

The difficulty is this. We have 1.5 million members. In our statute, it is written that we will hold a primary election with all members, even a public poll, in determining candidates. I will not make the decision alone. If necessary, we will ask 1.5 million members, the party will become a whole, the person they choose will be the candidate, and everyone will respect them. Despite 1.5 million members, no one can go and be a candidate from somewhere else. If they do, they will not find a response. We will solve those jobs. Let Mr. Tayyip think about how he will solve this job."

News Source: 12punto