Allegations of political pressure in the discharge vote for lieutenants! The codes of the new TSK...

Interview and photos: Sercan Meriç

Journalist Ersin Eroğlu addresses a wound that has occupied public opinion for the last two years with his book "Lieutenants - The Codes of the New TSK," published by Kırmızı Kedi Publishing. The events that took place in the process, ranging from the lieutenant who did not pin an Atatürk photograph to his lapel on November 10 to those who said "We are the soldiers of Mustafa Kemal" at the graduation ceremony, are actually a story of the transformation of the TSK (Turkish Armed Forces)... We spoke with Eroğlu about the behind-the-scenes of the lieutenants' discharge process, the transformation within the TSK, and the resistance he defines as the "Harbiye spirit."

The issue of the lieutenants has been on the agenda for two years, and we have mostly followed the matter through your reports. You have written about all these developments in "Lieutenants - The Codes of the New TSK." What is this lieutenant incident? What happened at the graduation ceremony and subsequently?

The idea for the book was born out of the debates in recent years. First, there were the events at the Tuzla Infantry School in 2023. There was a lieutenant who did not pin an Atatürk photograph to his lapel during the November 10 events... And there were those who reacted to that lieutenant. Later, this incident grew, and there were lieutenants discharged at the Tuzla Infantry School. While this issue was being discussed in public, the discharge of Kemalist lieutenants from the TSK and the fact that those cultist lieutenants were actually within a structure—we became aware of all of this through both the information we obtained from our news sources and the details in the investigation files. At the end of the day, the number of Kemalist lieutenants discharged in that investigation file increased. At first, 4 lieutenants were discharged. Later, 4 more lieutenants were discharged. In fact, the fuse of this debate in recent years had started from Tuzla, and this business ended with discharges in Tuzla. The Tuzla incident was discussed a lot. There is a cult group, there is an anti-Atatürk group, there are lieutenants who react to them... The pro-government media targeting the Kemalist lieutenants, etc... While these were still being discussed in public, suddenly the 2024 graduations, the Military Academy graduation, and the lieutenants' sword-crossing incident came along and took center stage on the agenda.

What was this incident?

The lieutenants were crossing swords after the official ceremony ended at the Military Academy graduation. They all came together and chanted the slogan "We are the soldiers of Mustafa Kemal." Afterward, led by the top-ranking graduate Ebru Eroğlu, they recited the oath that had been read until 2022. This incident caused a great stir in public opinion. At first, there were reactions from the government wing toward the lieutenants, but MHP's media outlets and MHP officials made statements supporting the lieutenants. It was discussed, "Will this matter be closed?" Suddenly, the statements by Bahçeli and subsequently Erdoğan, and Erdoğan's remark on the 7th day of this event, "Who are you crossing those swords against?" turned the incident into an investigation...

Actually, the People's Alliance built a coup rhetoric over this incident, didn't it?

Yes, this is something that always happens. The ruling bloc, with its media or certain cadres within itself, always operates the "junta rhetoric" or "coup rhetoric." For example, the Yeni Şafak newspaper can immediately run a headline "Lieutenant Junta" whenever there is an incident involving lieutenants. This incident was also discussed a lot in public. Taking the statements of hundreds of lieutenants, taking the statements of commanders, it became an incident that spread over a long period. From here, five lieutenants and three commanders were discharged. Lieutenants Ebru Eroğlu, İzzet Talip Akarsu, Serhat Gündar, Deniz Demirtaş, and Batuhan Gazi Kılıç were discharged. Along with them, Regiment Commander Alper Topsakal, Battalion Commander Lieutenant Colonel Halit Türkoğlu, and Company Commanders Major Murat Ertürk were discharged. This incident did not stop there. Subsequently, the Chief of Staff, Lieutenant General Tevfik Algan, who said "No" to the discharges in the High Disciplinary Board, had his duty station changed first; he was sent to a winter exercise and placed under the command of the 3rd Army. He resigned as a reaction to these pressures. Following that, Brigadier General Hakan Tutucu, who was also on the High Disciplinary Board team, resigned as well. The matter extended to the separation and purging of 10 officers from the TSK...

What kind of families were the discharged lieutenants raised in? How can their outlook on life and the world be summarized?

To answer this question, one needs to go back to after July 15. After July 15, military high schools and military academies were abolished. The National Defense University was established in their place, and interview commissions were formed. There were also SADAT members, people close to the government, in these interview commissions. There were even people affiliated with cults and sects. Why am I saying this?

Why?

Competent people certainly entered the military academies in the meantime. But actually, one should say this about entry into the Military Academy after July 15... Most of them are children of conservative, pious families... They are actually clean children. They enter with references. I am not saying this from a negative point of view. However, in the education of the Military Academy, if an organization with continuity like FETÖ is not brainwashing you, if you are not having meetings every weekend, if you do not have an organizational hierarchy, your outlook on the world can change after entering this school, regardless of how it was until that day.

How can it change?

As a result of a good education, a great admiration for Mustafa Kemal is formed. Today, for example, there is a 25-year government. The families of these children are perhaps people close to the ruling party. When you receive a good education at the Military Academy, that person who enters Harbiye at the age of 18 makes the following comparison: On one side, there is Anafartalar, Çanakkale, the Great Offensive, the Republic, a life spent on battlefields, and a republic crowned with it... On the other side, there is the place where the 25-year government has brought the country, the place it has brought the economy, the share of the government in the infiltration of the Fethullahist terrorist organization into the state... Incompetence, corruption... Now, when you make these two comparisons, no matter what your family's outlook on the world is, you grow up as republican, Kemalist, patriotic officers.

The book on SADAT that you wrote with Caner Taşpınar earlier also made a splash. In both books, we are actually tracing the transformation of the TSK. What kind of transformation can we talk about?

Changes in the military education system within the TSK in Turkey generally take place after military interventions. July 15 was a Fethullahist military coup attempt. There was a change after July 15. There were serious changes in the security bureaucracy. For example, the structure of the Supreme Military Council (YAŞ) changed here. The Gendarmerie and Coast Guard were taken from the TSK and connected to the Ministry of Interior. The judiciary path had been opened to YAŞ decisions before, and this accelerated even more. This was also a suggestion of SADAT.

The General Staff was connected to the Ministry of National Defense...

Of course, all force commands were connected to the Ministry of National Defense. Along with these, there is also the issue of the military education system... Actually, we can say that the military academies were also abolished. The National Defense University was established in place of the military academies. There were interviews for entry here as well. There were many people from outside in these interview commissions until 2019. For example, there is a SADAT member in these interview commissions, Gürcan Onat... Gürcan Onat says that he personally participated in the interview commissions. He says, "We were taking pious children to these places. These were Anatolian children. Is pagan education being given here? How did these children become like this?" Actually, I just explained what the results would be when you receive a good education with that Harbiye spirit.

Returning to the issue regarding the lieutenants... What kind of reflection did this have on both the students there and the commanders?

Now, if you were to hold a closed-door vote within the TSK today, 99 percent would oppose the discharge. Both commanders, retired officers, and military students were actually against the discharge of the lieutenants. It was said, "The investigation has become politicized, and they will discharge certain names from today on." In fact, it was initially stated that the number of lieutenants to be discharged would be 40-50. But five lieutenants were discharged. There was a silent majority. Those who opposed it were already discharged.

What kind of voting was held during that discharge process?

A closed-door vote is held in the first round. The lieutenants entered, made their defenses, then the lawyers made their defenses, and the hall was vacated. In that closed-door vote, those who said they should not be discharged were in the majority. Afterward, there was very serious political pressure. All members of the High Disciplinary Board were interviewed one by one. The Force Commander intervened here. They could only manage a 5-to-4 vote at most and issued the decision that way.

What are the discharged young lieutenants doing now?

They all filed lawsuits to return to the TSK; they want to wear their uniforms again. Sercan, there is no situation here that you or I can understand, frankly.

Why?

Now, a person receives education, then starts their professional life, right? There are options in front of you when starting professional life. In one, you are living in a much more beautiful city, you are earning a much better salary, you have much better fringe benefits. In the other, you are living abroad at the border, you have no life safety, your conditions are worse compared to the other option... They all want to reject that good option and return to the TSK. They want to wear that uniform. They have a great admiration for that uniform. There is something Ebru Eroğlu also said in her defense. Ebru Eroğlu says this: "My commander, you can take the stars on my shoulders, but you cannot take the Harbiye badge on my chest, the Harbiye spirit from me..." While Ebru Eroğlu is saying this, most people start to cry, the hall freezes, there is an incredible silence... Right now, they are all working somewhere. Their conditions are not bad either. But they all still want to return to the TSK.

Actually, you had explained it, but let me ask this for the sake of recording it in history; is there any kinship between Ebru Eroğlu and Ersin Eroğlu?

We have no kinship. We are not even from the same hometown. Frankly, this has also been talked about within the TSK. In the form of "Is Ebru Eroğlu giving the information to Ersin Eroğlu?"... I do not know Ebru Eroğlu, I have no kinship. In fact, we are not even from the same hometown. Ebru Eroğlu is from Ordu, I am from Niğde.

What kind of organization do the TSK members you meet suggest?

It will be a cliché, but the only way for this is: Merit... When there is something against discipline, they want the decision to be in accordance with the law, not a political decision... The commanders of the lieutenants were discharged. Why? Because the lieutenants crossed swords after the "The ceremony is over" announcement! After the "The ceremony is over" announcement, the commanders already have nothing to do. The duty was finished at that moment. For this, there needs to be law. As for entry into military academies, there needs to be merit. The interview commissions need to work with merit, and in fact, they need to remain loyal to the founding values of the republic. As for politics, it should not interfere with the TSK. Even though politicians say verbally that the TSK should not interfere in politics, the person who comes to power immediately starts working from the interview commissions. The TSK should not interfere in politics.

What do you expect in the ceremonies after this?

We will see on August 30. Now, for me to answer about that from here would be speculative. We will see what happens on August 30.

News Source: 12punto