The veil of secrecy is lifted: The unknown aspects of Hakan Fidan’s life documented for the first time
Journalist and author Caner Taşpınar has turned his lens on the mystery-filled life of Hakan Fidan. According to Taşpınar, who has brought his book “Sır Küpü” (The Vault of Secrets) to readers, Fidan is one of the most important figures in the power struggle that has begun for the post-Erdoğan era… However, Fidan’s task is not easy!
Interview and photos: Sercan Meriç
The post-Erdoğan era constitutes the most intriguing equation in Ankara’s political corridors. The key figure in this equation is undoubtedly Hakan Fidan, described as Erdoğan’s “black box.” Journalist Caner Taşpınar, with his latest book "Sır Küpü" published by Kırmızı Kedi, examines Fidan’s portrait and his role in the power struggle that has begun for the post-Erdoğan era. According to Taşpınar, the "power struggle" within the AKP has already begun, and Hakan Fidan is one of the prominent names in this fight. On the other hand, the Erdoğan family also wants to hold onto power. Taşpınar recounted to 12punto the journey of Fidan, which began at the Öz Elif Site and extended to his tenure as head of the MİT and Minister of Foreign Affairs.

You draw a striking portrait of Hakan Fidan in your book “Sır Küpü-Taht Kavgası Başlıyor” (The Vault of Secrets-The Power Struggle Begins)... How did this book come about?
Actually, I wanted to write about the scale of the struggle within the AKP regarding the post-Erdoğan era; as a power struggle. While I was taking notes and working on this, I saw that the infighting within the AKP was intensifying around Hakan Fidan. And Hakan Fidan has become a kind of taboo: his time as head of the MİT, his previous duties, and so on, have all become taboo. It is as if it is impossible to talk about Hakan Fidan or write about him. You look at the media, and no portrait of Hakan Fidan can be presented. Even when he became Minister of Foreign Affairs, news reports on main bulletins stated, “His voice was heard for the first time.” There is an unknown Hakan Fidan in the middle of the power struggle, and all arrows are pointed at him. Therefore, this person needs to be known. This taboo needed to be touched. He was a prominent name for the post-Erdoğan era in all the polls conducted by the AKP. So, I set out asking, “Who is Hakan Fidan, what is he?”
What kind of profile emerged?
We need to understand what kind of childhood and youth a person went through, and what they did, so that we can say, “So, Hakan Fidan has these things in his bag. He will create such a line, he looks at life this way.” We needed to understand this. That is why I divided this book into two parts. In the first stage, I covered topics such as “Who is Hakan Fidan, what kind of environment does he come from, who are the figures he idolizes, how did his theses develop during both his time as a non-commissioned officer and his university years, and who paved the way for him?” In the other part of the book, I entered into the power struggle, turning to questions like, “Who is Hakan Fidan fighting against, what kind of struggle is he in, what are the arrows turned toward him, and who is trying to block his path?”

Let’s continue with where his roots sprouted... The Öz Elif Site is a very critical place. What is the Öz Elif Site?
It is a site, a cooperative in Ankara. The work on this site began in the 70s and it was established on a large area. The person who conceived and brought this site to life is very important: Mehmet İhsan Arslan. I described Arslan in great detail in my book "Damat" (The Son-in-Law). I also mentioned his son Mücahit Arslan in detail. I also spoke with Abdüllatif Şener, who lived in this site for a year. Let me just say this; Mehmet İhsan Arslan starts out like this: “The people who will stay in this site will pray.” This is the first condition. They even return the money of a person they determine is not praying and do not let them into the site. Such a ghetto was created. People in shalwars, people in turbans, a kind of cult nest... There are important names. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s path also passed through here. The paths of the heads of Religious Affairs and Erbakan also passed through here. Therefore, the paths of important names of the National View (Milli Görüş) and its sub-structures like the Akıncılar passed through here. This site is also very critical for Hakan Fidan.

Does Hakan Fidan stay at this site?
He does not stay there himself, but his brother has a house there. That is why he is frequently at the site. Let me mention two names who are very frequently by his side: one is Ömer Çelik, the other is Mücahit Arslan. Mücahit Arslan still attends various meetings of this site today. I provided important information about the manager of this site in the book. There is even a defendant of ours whose relationships extend to Ergenekon. Hakan Fidan’s phone number appears in that defendant’s file. Hakan Fidan was the head of the MİT at that time. That defendant says, “Ask Hakan Fidan about me.” The Öz Elif Site has such intricate relationships, and it is a point that greatly influenced Hakan Fidan’s childhood and youth. Mehmet İhsan Arslan has a saying: “I know Hakan Fidan’s childhood.” Later, you see that Mehmet İhsan Arslan is also in Hakan Fidan’s office on July 15.
How does Hakan Fidan’s journey from being a non-commissioned officer to head of the MİT progress?
There is no tradition of a non-commissioned officer becoming the head of the MİT; such a thing has not been seen. In fact, when Hakan Fidan became head of the MİT, this was one of the most debated things. It is a position where generals usually are. Only Sönmez Köksal has a civilian background. When you look at Hakan Fidan’s life, there is something like this: During his time as a non-commissioned officer, he was in Germany for a NATO mission. There, he received training on the campus of a university established by America for its own soldiers to receive training, and the theses he prepared were on intelligence... He prepared comparative theses; that is, like the comparison of American intelligence and Turkish intelligence. He starts his work from here. For example, Hakan Fidan could have retired, but he did not, he did not choose to. He took a position at the embassy.
He took a position at the Australian Embassy in Ankara, right?
Yes, this is also highly debated. Let me also say that I met with many people while writing this book. Very important names in terms of intelligence, very important names from the Turkish Armed Forces... But no one wants their name mentioned. Only the views and evaluations of former MİT Deputy Undersecretary Cevat Öneş are included in the book. Other than that, no one wanted their name mentioned in the book. This situation also shows that Hakan Fidan has become a taboo. In fact, this is what bothered me during the process of writing this book. After all, he is a politician. He may have been the head of the MİT, but he is in politics and is taking on a duty. Moreover, a book about Hakan Fidan was published in Russia, but there is not a single book in Turkey. How can that be? We can see his date of birth for the first time in the book “MİT Gerçeği” (The MİT Truth) written by Ferhat Ünlü. This situation bothered me a lot. Everyone I spoke with confirmed that his duty at that embassy was also an intelligence operation. The fact that someone who has been in the intelligence field of another country later becomes the head of the MİT creates discomfort. I think the most important thing is this: Through whom did Hakan Fidan get there?
Many people do not want to be associated with Hakan Fidan, but Ahmet Davutoğlu and Beşir Atalay say, “We brought Fidan into politics”...
Of course.
What kind of relationship is there between them?
A father-son relationship... I am not saying it, they are saying it. Even today, Davutoğlu speaks about Hakan Fidan by truly choosing his words. Let’s return to the embassy... He has always been in critical points in the duties he has taken. The TİKA presidency is an important threshold leading to the MİT presidency. We always see Davutoğlu’s trace in these points. We see either Davutoğlu himself or someone who has a very close relationship with him.
Davutoğlu also wanted to make Fidan a member of parliament while he was in the AKP...
Yes, for example, Davutoğlu insisted a lot there. I took that as the starting point of the power struggle for Hakan Fidan. Because a very open and harsh debate took place in front of the public. Erdoğan said that he did not want Fidan to be a member of parliament by making statements to the press openly. But both Hakan Fidan and Davutoğlu resisted during that one- or two-month process. In that sense, this February 7 incident was an important lesson for Hakan Fidan.
Is Hakan Fidan of Kurdish origin?
When you ask about Hakan Fidan in the region, he is described as a member of a Kurdish tribe named Hasenan. However, Ferhat Ünlü again says, “His father is from Kırşehir. He is of Van origin but they are not Kurdish, they are Turkmen.” Names who claim to be his cousins say that Hakan Fidan knows Kurdish and say, “He is from our tribe.” These have not been denied either. You can be from a Kurdish tribe, or you can be Turkmen. What difference does it make? You need to say this openly so that the uncertainty in the middle is removed. Hakan Fidan likes this, he plays on this uncertainty. What Özgür Özel says at the rallies is very true; he creates a mystery, a “Valley of the Wolves” (Kurtlar Vadisi) atmosphere. He likes this very much. In people’s minds, Hakan Fidan has settled in as the most critical figure of the Valley of the Wolves, as someone very mysterious and very deep. There are even those who believe in unbelievable things about Fidan, like the connection established regarding Abdullah Çatlı not being dead. Hakan Fidan also thinks that he has created a very effective fame for himself from here, and if you look at it from the perspective of the AKP base, this situation seems to have caught on.
Where does Hakan Fidan stand in the power struggle?
We are now expecting an early election. The leadership debate in the AKP has started from today. Hakan Fidan is also taking steps for this. You have a very good fame, influence, depth, and mystery, but you cannot present yourself to society as a leader just from here. You must have a plan, a program, and a team. Hakan Fidan is also realizing these step by step. The most effective tool in politics is the media. Are there any initiatives he has taken regarding the media? I am telling these.
Are there?
There are. He has initiatives regarding the media. Of course, Hakan Fidan will not come out and say, “I have such an initiative.” We see that the names who are by Hakan Fidan’s side, in his core team, are within a media. And I also explain how these initiatives were blocked, which can be interpreted as the Erdoğan family being influential here.
Who does not like Hakan Fidan within the AKP? Are there those who want to liquidate Fidan?
Of course. As a comment, I can say this: The Erdoğan family wants the Erdoğan family. This is a very clear thing. When a cabinet change is discussed today, the first news comes out as “Berat Albayrak is returning.” Why? Because of the family... Selçuk Bayraktar, Bilal Erdoğan... The family is very dominant and the family wants to determine the future. Therefore, the family is at the very beginning of what Hakan Fidan will experience in this period. Then the AKP... I am trying to figure out this in my head: Into how many pieces is the AKP dividing? We need to understand this too.

Sedat Peker also says “three pieces.”
For example, when the Sedat Peker videos started, while we were talking about the event, AKP members were talking about this: “Did you come out and talk with Hakan Fidan’s encouragement? Are you trusting him?” In the slightest event, critical names in the AKP turn and look, “Ha, something is happening, a power is emerging.” This is important. Hakan Fidan did not make any statement during that process. But later, for example, there were assassinations, we are discussing them too. The deaths of Muhammed Yakut and Cemil Önal... These names were coming out and telling things about the AKP and the government. Are these deaths normal or not?
Is liquidating Hakan Fidan an easy thing for Erdoğan?
Erdoğan is also experienced. Someone like Abdullah Gül, who has served as President, is no longer in the AKP and politics, he is a very influential name. Likewise, names like Hulusi Akar and Süleyman Soylu were all neutralized in short periods. Erdoğan does this very well. Of course, this is a team job. We need to look at this: Did Hulusi Akar have a team? How much of a team did Süleyman Soylu have within the AKP? Süleyman Soylu also entered into a war directly with the family. Not coming from within that politics, how much of a relationship could he establish? Because the AKP has very critical names from its establishment to today. Hakan Fidan is not the only vault of secrets; I also call Mücahit Arslan a “vault of secrets.” Who is Mücahit Arslan with then? One should not think of Hakan Fidan alone. There are very powerful, very influential names by his side, who are very critical in the AKP and have the quality of a vault of secrets. These will also be influential. Of course, the family will not let go, but I do not think Hakan Fidan is at the level of Hulusi Akar at all.
News Source: 12punto
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