Erbaş's Diyanet book published: Diyanet Affairs President Ali Erbaş dreams of being Sheikh ul-Islam

The Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) has become the focus of intense debate in public and political life, especially following Ali Erbaş's appointment as president. Its growing budget, controversial fatwas, proximity to the government, and role in social life have become subjects of serious scrutiny.

Journalists Mustafa Mert Bildircin and Sefa Uyar have X-rayed the Presidency of Religious Affairs in their book, “The Sword and Shield of the Power: Erbaş's Diyanet.” In the book, published by Kırmızı Kedi Yayınevi, the organizational and ideological transformation of the Diyanet, the activities it carries out with its massive budget, its relationship with political crises, and certain preachers who are social media phenomena that fuel hatred and hostility in society are discussed. We met with Bildircin and Uyar to talk about this book and the Diyanet…

When you finished the book, what kind of Diyanet did you see before you?

Sefa Uyar: We see this when we finish the book: Since the Ali Erbaş era, the Presidency of Religious Affairs has become so intertwined with the government that the Diyanet has been made to play a pioneering role for the political power, especially in the Islamization of social life and taking steps in this direction…

What kind of transformation did the Diyanet undergo with the Ali Erbaş era?

Mustafa Mert Bildircin: As you know, Ali Erbaş took office in 2017. In 2018, there was a regime change in Turkey. It is an institution affiliated with the Presidency... Therefore, with the regime change, its existing weight increased even further. Thus, the period of Ali Erbaş's presidency has been a period in which the Diyanet's influence over all of social life has increased. This can be explained by its practices, its fatwas, its effort to intervene in almost every field from justice to education, from health to the judicial system, and by the growth in its economic structure. Therefore, the Ali Erbaş era is a period in which the Diyanet has grown steadily, both in terms of the number of personnel and economic power. This was also the starting point of the book.

For example, while the state calls for austerity, we witness many news reports that the Diyanet is spending lavishly. Could you summarize some of these?

Sefa Uyar: Although Diyanet officials currently say that this budget is not enough for them, that there is still a shortage of imams in many mosques, and that more than 90 percent of this budget goes to personnel, the Diyanet continues to exist as the institution that spends the most and manages the largest budget, both with its number of personnel and its expenditures. For example, we can see the programs and in-service training sessions that the Diyanet organizes in 5-star hotels. The Diyanet has meeting halls in Ankara, at its headquarters. They use these meeting halls sometimes. However, we see that the Diyanet invites its personnel to holiday regions like Antalya, along with their families, to conduct in-service training there. The tenders made in printing and publishing cause the Diyanet's budget to reach a very controversial point. Besides this, there is another very important point: There is a Türkiye Diyanet Foundation that is far from oversight. This foundation is an institution outside of audit, and donations made in mosques go directly to this foundation and turn into a budget of millions of liras. For example, there was a recent purchase of a luxury brand vehicle from the Türkiye Diyanet Foundation. This vehicle was sent to the presidency through a subsidiary of the Türkiye Diyanet Foundation. Here we see that: Actually, since a part of the Diyanet's budget is kept away from oversight, it can be spent very easily.

In the book, you state that Ali Erbaş is also aspiring to the role of “Sheikh ul-Islam.” How is Erbaş different from previous presidents?

Mustafa Mert Bildircin: We have seen Diyanet Affairs President Ali Erbaş on the stage after every crisis experienced by a political power in Turkey. Sometimes this was in a mosque, on the minbar. Sometimes it was at a table in an organization, with a microphone in front of him. One of the most striking examples of this was the Diyanet's fatwa that “God is the one who determines prices” during a period when millions of citizens were struggling to survive. We also heard the advice to “go to the evening market.” In short, it is as if the Presidency of Religious Affairs has a role in Turkey to reduce the crisis created by the political power and to numb people. We can easily state that Ali Erbaş is playing the role of Sheikh ul-Islam.

Sefa Uyar: We can add this, there is an emphasis we mention in the book: Just as Muawiyah attached pages of the Quran to the tips of his spears, we see that the Diyanet jumps to the forefront in the slightest political crisis. For example, when the President makes a speech with the theme “You are not being grateful, you need to be grateful,” we see that the first Friday sermon of the Diyanet after this speech is themed around “gratitude.” Until Erbaş took office, Diyanet Affairs Presidents had never been so intertwined with politics in the democracy culture that was progressing in Turkey, even if it was flawed.

There are some imams and preachers who are also phenomena on social media. They attract reactions, but there is also a perception that they are untouchable. Is the Diyanet acting as a protective umbrella for these people?

Mustafa Mert Bildircin: I think that is the case. Because there is impunity. They have a role that directly intervenes in social life, sometimes plays with the nerve endings of society, and makes polarization even sharper. We see that the Diyanet does not open any investigations against these people who are members of the Presidency of Religious Affairs. Therefore, encouraged by this impunity and lack of sanctions, they raise the bar higher every time.

Sefa Uyar: The founding cadres of the Republic were saying that the Diyanet was established to convey accurate information to the public and that it should perhaps take on a role in the fight against religious merchants, sects, and cults. However, when we come to today, we see that the situation has turned exactly the opposite. For example, some of the 4-6 age Quran courses are directly connected to sects and cults today. All of these courses are legally affiliated with the Diyanet. For example, in Istanbul, we can see them walking around Istanbul with turbans and robes, chanting slogans before a graduation ceremony at a Quran course connected to a foundation. The Speaker of the Parliament can attend this ceremony, and the President can also attend. We can see that Atatürk and the Republic are insulted and cursed at these ceremonies. For example, the Diyanet has religious specialization centers. The director of an important specialization center in Istanbul is the son of the former leader of the İsmailağa sect.

What kind of Turkey does Ali Erbaş want?

Mustafa Mert Bildircin: I don't think Ali Erbaş has a vision for Turkey. Maybe he is concerned about his seat. Maybe he is thinking about his own future. However, I don't think he has a vision for Turkey. When we evaluate his work as a whole, he might want a society where religion is dominant. However, it is possible to see that this vision of Turkey in Erbaş's mind does not overlap with the demands of the street. Because families may be sending their children to 4-6 age Quran courses with sincere, good intentions, but at the same time, they are reading reports that these 4-6 age Quran courses are not pedagogically suitable for their children, again through the Diyanet's own research. We know that there are reactions from the public and prisoners to the officials in prisons. Therefore, we know that the work the Diyanet is doing in the Turkey of 2025 does not actually have as much of a response in society as is thought. It should be added. Almost every criticism directed at the Presidency of Religious Affairs is met with “These are enemies of religion.” Perhaps it is necessary to respond to this in particular. I am not an enemy of religion. I know that Sefa is not either. We know that the citizens who will read this book are not enemies of religion either. No one has a problem with religion or faith. Our concern is Turkey's resources. Because we are two people who love this country. 85 million people who love this country have the right to know how their taxes are used. We have to know where and how the money entrusted to the Presidency of Religious Affairs is spent, again from our taxes. Just as we have no problem with anyone's faith, I think we defend freedom of belief more than the current administration of the Presidency of Religious Affairs.

What kind of influence did the Diyanet have in the rise of FETÖ? How did they open space, or how did the Fethullahists use the Diyanet?

Sefa Uyar: The President also draws attention to this in the same way. He says that the Diyanet was late in the fight on this issue. The Diyanet is very late in regulating its relations with all sects and cults and perhaps in fighting them. There are many names dismissed from the Diyanet after July 15. Some of these were high-level administrators. Perhaps we can go one step further. For example, we know that Ali Erbaş was influential in Interreligious Dialogue, which is one of the most important tools of FETÖ. We know that he was an administrator of a platform that was a FETÖ institution. We know that the publishing house that published the Interreligious Dialogue book was closed down after July 15 due to FETÖ. He is among the founding academics of the Faculty of Theology in Sakarya, which was established in 1993. We know that the founder of that faculty, Suat Yıldırım, who is known as the number 2 of FETÖ, and Ali Erbaş were very close.

News Source: Sercan Meriç