Guinea pigs under the Abdulhamid III regime: What is the AKP testing?

Are we surprised by the crackdown on the Süleymancıs?

They call them a sect or something, but our researcher-writer friend Orhan Gökdemir, who summarized the subject in a comprehensive book, suggests not exaggerating, saying, “In the final analysis, these are all derivatives of Naqshbandi/Khalidi roots.” They have to squabble with each other.

Therefore, we are not surprised, no: The appointment of a trustee to one of the holding-sects—which has always been an important vector of the Turkish right and has meanwhile become a powerful financial actor—let's call it the “Süleymancı Operation,” is part of a game the AKP regime has mastered over the years. The Palace is now testing on one of the centrifugal forces of the right what it has previously tested on the left and, to some extent, on Kurdish politics.

What is happening?

The Abdulhamid III regime maintains its existence through tests.

One might ask, “What kind of test is this?”

The answer is not complicated at all: They are not content with tormenting the opposition by blatantly violating the fundamental principles of law and keeping dissidents imprisoned for years through the judiciary. There is torment, of course, but their concern is something else. In fact, it should be said that the goal of the Abdulhamid III regime is not torment. Torment is a side effect.

The goal is to accurately measure the resistance to objection in society. A “value measurement mechanism” is in effect.

For the AKP, the people it has kept in prison for years and will likely continue to keep there are actually guinea pigs. Test subjects.

Is there any public reaction to these blatant legal violations? They see that a great deal of anger has accumulated, but their main concern is how this anger will turn into a reaction... This legal massacre helps measure that anger. The Osman Kavalas, Selahattin Demirtaşes, Ekrem İmamoğlus, and thousands of opposition municipal officials abandoned to their fate in prisons, and thousands of detentions, are the AKP's “power-meter.”

As long as there is no effective reaction—that is, as long as the public does not openly oppose injustices by using their constitutional rights and does not show their reaction—the AKP knows that it can continue to plunder Turkey down to the finest detail with a sense of “all is well.” Its position intertwined with the world system—the blackmail that if it falls from power, foreign funding will be endangered, and meanwhile, the gates of the EU will be opened to millions of migrants—brakes external reactions. Let's put it more clearly: The West is very pleased with the AKP.

In short, they can take the public's pulse regarding what is happening through the reaction—or lack thereof—to this legal massacre. There is also this: The AKP government has been able to organize a paralysis far beyond the DP government it inherited. Can it not be said that it achieved the complete purge of republicans from the management cadres at every level of the state bureaucracy thanks to these tests? The measures the AKP took that the DP did not take 68 years ago, and what those are, is a subject for another article.

It has become clear that the expectation of a ballot box, which can now be described as “it takes a thousand witnesses to call it an election,” is the lifeblood of the tyranny.

But they don't put everyone in prison, to be honest, if you notice. Many leftists are left outside. Do they think they don't pose a danger? It seems so... And this way, they can also put on a show of democracy. However, we cannot say they are very smart either. They must be very afraid of the “republican short circuits” in this area of the Turkish society, which is transitioning from religionization to radicalization. The “republican contact” might trip. They are very worried about this.

They want to know what is happening at the bottom.

They are not sure about that. That is why they apply tests so frequently.

Unless the streets, workplaces, and schools become the scene of a constitutional reaction, Demirtaş, Kavala, İmamoğlu, and thousands of Turkish and Kurdish people, and even the sect members who try to stand up to them in their own way, will continue to remain inside. It is certain that this is a “Naqshbandi” sectarian cunning and that this Islamist oppression will continue as long as the streets remain silent.

In the end, a ruthless Sharia mindset is in power. The only cure for this disease, for this evil, is to give the ruling political class an answer that can stop life. Will it happen?

Unless this medicine appears on the scene, the evils of the Abdulhamid III tyranny will continue to intensify.

Turkey will eventually be torn to pieces, and an Afghan/Syrian darkness will be cast over those pieces.

Although it can be said that the situation here does not quite resemble those places. The people of the republic in Turkey, at least half of the population who still insistently uphold these enlightenment gains, are different from the people of the Iranian and Arab world.

This unique vein must always be sedated, never awakened. Right-wing Kemalists, liberals who destroyed the left... Their main job is this sedation...   

In other words, forces that believe Turkey is not an anomaly and that the great collapse (the Afghan or Al-Shara darkness) can only be prevented by the weight of a socialist program need to neutralize the chief sedative, the liberal left, and a Turkish nationalism that threatens Turkey's integrity. If this is possible, it will also become impossible for imperialism to play the Kurdish card.

The moment the influence of the old-new CHP and DEM and their “leftist servants” is broken, it will be seen that this test becomes ineffective.

Will we refuse to be a “test monkey”?