Communities, Power, and Blindness

The word “cemaat” (community) is an Arabic noun derived from the root “cem,” meaning to gather or bring together; it signifies a group of people. There is, of course, a reason for this group to come together. A purpose, belief, or idea reveals the source of this reason. Religious communities, as the name suggests, can be defined as structures where people organize around a specific belief. In the Islamic world, we can trace the origins of organized communities back to the years following the emergence of Sufi orders (tarikats). We are talking about the eleventh century. The Naqshbandi, Khalwati, Qadiri, Rifai, and Malami orders are among the leading ones we are referring to. According to a study, there are 30 Sufi orders and more than 400 communities and groups operating under them in Turkey.

An operation conducted last week targeted one of these communities, known in the public eye as the “Süleymancılar.” In simultaneous operations across 17 provinces, 49 people, including the leader of the community, were detained. 33 companies allegedly linked to the community were seized. The allegations brought against the detained individuals were announced as follows: “Establishing and managing a criminal organization,” “membership in a criminal organization,” “laundering assets derived from crime,” “fraud to the detriment of public institutions and organizations,” and “violation of the Tax Procedure Law.”

The accusations are certainly striking. This is because the community at the center of these charges has been conducting its activities with religion at its core, always presenting its work as “service to Islam.” However, the ongoing investigation suggests otherwise, speaking of financial dealings and a criminal organization. This is important for two reasons. First, while these allegations have been made in the context of communities for years, some have defended themselves through religion, accusing those who voiced these claims of “hostility toward religion or Islam.” This segment of society was effectively criminalized. Social polarization and fault lines were also constructed from this. The second point is this: The government, which meets every criticism directed at the social structure—especially secularism—with rhetoric like “hostility toward religion,” is now facing the reality of another community. Therefore, we can state that this rhetoric is clearly a language of manipulation and even aggression. These are the first political conclusions drawn from an operation.

Then there is the issue of time and timing.

Now, we must think coolly. These communities did not become like this overnight. While the community leader turned into a boss and the disciples into customers, all of this happened before everyone’s eyes, and certainly before the eyes of the government. So, did the government not have a share in this process, for example? We ask this because we know that the vast majority of communities in Turkey also constitute the natural base of the government. For instance, Mehmet Beyazıt Denizolgun, the grandson of Süleyman Hilmi Tunahan, known as the leader of the Süleymancılar, was among the founders of the AKP. Another grandson of Tunahan, Fatih Süleyman Denizolgun, was also a name who served as a deputy in the ranks of the AKP. Therefore, we are not talking about a structure or a community that the government is unaware of. On the contrary, if we go back chronologically, we see the paths walked together and the rains endured together, as the song goes, from that time. Also, from that time, we see the illegal dormitories, the children who lost their lives in those dormitories, the growing balance sheets, hospitals, companies, and the network of money and organization spreading from a single room to the world. We certainly understand the reason behind the eyes that are blind to this reality that history has so openly displayed. Moreover, some eyes do not see not only the past but also the present; they choose to be blind today as well.

Remember, even in just these past few years, deep ruptures and separations have occurred within several of the country’s leading communities. Following power struggles, the divided parties accused each other of illicit gains, seizing community property, and unfair enrichment. That was not enough; some filed lawsuits, and having lost hope in “Sharia,” they sought a remedy in human courts. Those news reports are all a click away, as are the accusations and statements made. Yet, despite this, no investigation was opened into the mentioned communities, their leaders were not detained, and not a single cent—let alone millions of dollars—was mentioned. Perhaps the issue is not the distance of the destination to be reached, but the strength of the support that will be reflected in the ballot boxes from there.

So, here is where we have arrived:

The issue of communities, especially the Süleymancılar, is also the history of the country, the backyard of politics, and another name for the order. History has always told us that in that order, relationships are conducted within mutual interests, who will not see what in light of certain calculations, and how the great spoils are divided among stakeholders. In this respect, the facts have always been right beside us. Not seeing them was a choice.

Because the truth was actually always right beside us. Not seeing it was often not a necessity, but a preference. Because when some truths begin to be seen, they make visible not only a structure but also the relationships, interests, and silences established with that structure. Perhaps this is the real issue: the intensity of the darkness. So much so that sometimes, what blinds a person is not the darkness, but the light of the truth they do not want to see.