Müdâfaa-i Hukuk (Defense of Rights) is the intellectual, spiritual, and organizational civil resistance line of a geography that was sought to be colonized and an oppressed nation that was sought to be destroyed. The Kuvayı Milliye (National Forces) is the grassroots armed resistance organization of the National Struggle, predating the regular army.
In the process extending from the torch of independence lit in Samsun in May 1919 to the Amasya Circular of June 1919, the Erzurum Congress of July–August 1919, the Sivas Congress of September 1919, and the Ankara period from December 27 to April 22, the Kuvayı Milliye would be the main element of armed resistance against the occupation.
On April 23, 1920, with the commencement of the work of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, the representative institution of the national will, the National Struggle would gain its organ of legitimacy. The TBMM would function as both a legislative and executive body, and the period of Assembly Governments would be experienced during the National Struggle process.
The winner of the competition for authority and initiative between the Ankara of the National Struggle and the capitulationist governments of Armistice-era Istanbul under the pressure of the occupiers would be Ankara. With the start of the TBMM's work, the governorships, district governorships, and sub-district governorships in Anatolia would be connected to Ankara and would be subject to the administrative, civil, and financial control and command of the TBMM.
The year 1920 was a place of total fire in Anatolia, with the advance of the occupying Greek Army on one side and internal rebellions incited and directed by the British and the collaborationist Damat Ferit governments on the other. It was truly difficult to deal with the rebellions that started one after another to disable Ankara and the TBMM, to hinder the National Struggle, and to force acceptance of the Treaty of Sèvres. The Turkish Nation would not heed the fatwas issued by Vahdettin's Sheikh-ul-Islams against the National Struggle and would stand behind Ankara until the end.
In Armistice-era Istanbul, the separatist Kürdistan Teali (Society for the Rise of Kurdistan), established with British intellect and British Pounds, would be involved in all kinds of provocations and actions against the National Struggle. It would display a practice of total betrayal with ethnic separatist rebellions incited to raid the Sivas Congress to kill Mustafa Kemal, to prevent the opening of the TBMM, and to tear some regions away from Ankara.
The betrayal of the Society for the Rise of Kurdistan would not be limited to the National Struggle period; it would continue after the Republic was founded. The establishment of the Republic based on a nation-state unitary structure and the continuation of revolutionary breakthroughs aiming for contemporary civilization would draw the reaction of ethno-feudal separatist tendencies masked by religion, and uprisings directly targeting the Republic and national integrity would be carried out.
The roots of the ethnic separatist PKK uprising, which has continued from the 1984 Şemdinli-Eruh raids to the present day, should be sought in the Society for the Rise of Kurdistan. (The success of the left-wing rhetoric used as a tactic by the PKK during its emergence in securing the support of the Turkish Left—which could not overcome the shock of September 12—sometimes openly and sometimes covertly, and the sad story of the Turkish Left, which broke away from the labor front and turned into a 'Turkey-based Left' with the wind of globalization and the ethnic virus that entered its body, is the subject of a separate article.)
The roots of the Republican People's Party (CHP), founded by the cadres who carried out the War of Independence and established the Republic, are based on the Müdâfaa-i Hukuk. It is a complete mental blackout for the PKK and its extensions, which are Greater Middle East Project (BOP) hitmen that took over the flag of betrayal from the Society for the Rise of Kurdistan—founded by feudal lords, tribal chiefs, and certain sheikhs raised in the atmosphere of Medieval Madrasas, supported by imperial states in line with regional interest calculations—to be perceived as 'leftist' and to enter into an alliance with them.
The meaningful silence of the CHP against the PKK's imposition—which curses Lausanne, the title deed of the Republic of Turkey, blesses Sèvres, and demands a constitutional amendment to destroy the nation-state unitary-based Republic and to distribute the country's title deed belonging to the Turkish Nation among ethnicities by switching from single ownership to shared ownership—is worrying.
Let no one doubt that the Turkish people will raise the voice they want to hear in the loudest way possible against this deep silence, which means a total denial of the Müdâfaa-i Hukuk line in action by the CHP's base, which is loyal to the Müdâfaa-i Hukuk tradition in rhetoric!
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