Some positions do not tolerate ignorance

Minister of National Education Yusuf Tekin's remarks at the AKP Batman provincial congress; "The geography we live on was a geography where 72.5 nations lived in brotherhood. Until when? Until the Unionists became dominant in this country." The debates sparked by these words continue. We would first like to remind the Minister of National Education that the Committee of Union and Progress government lasted for 5 years and 9 months, from January 23, 1913, to October 8, 1918, that it dissolved itself at the October 1918 congress, and that the organizational foundation of the War of Independence and the founding of the Republic was the Defense of Rights (Müdafaa-i Hukuk).

Following a quote from Prof. Dr. Zafer Toprak's work, National Economy in Turkey 1908 – 1918,  published by İş Bankası Cultural Publications, let us address the deeper reasons for Tekin's grievances: “The 'national economy' policy of the Second Constitutional Era was an important beginning in Turkey's orientation toward independence. While the process was, on one hand, a significant step on the path to political independence, on the other, it was Turkey's participation in the 'deglobalization' phase that emerged between the two world wars. It was a rebellion against the 19th-century liberal world that made the country dependent, and a process of searching for a national identity.”

Let us continue the writing with the real reasons behind the  endless hostility toward the Committee of Union and Progress (İttihat ve Terakki),  which feeds the political/intellectual climate of Tekin. The easiest and most effective way to attack the Republic and Atatürk is through the Committee of Union and Progress. It is a guaranteed, risk-free type of attack that provides insurance for its perpetrator in advance. The broadest alliance, from the colonialist leftist to the 'libosh' (liberal-leftist), from the Second Republican to the separatist, and from the sub-identity advocate to the fundamentalist, is formed on the basis of anti-Unionist sentiment.

It is not difficult to guess the reasons for the West's hostility toward the Unionists. The great crime of the Committee of Union and Progress (beyond the first steps of nation-building), which has not been forgiven for 100 years, is its desire to remove the non-Muslim comprador bourgeoisie—the internal economic outpost of imperialism—from the equation and to 'Turkify' capital. The 'Sick Man' Ottoman Empire exiting the sphere of influence of the West, both economically and politically, was a situation the West would never accept.

Without further ado, let us bring the subject to the internal adversaries of the Committee of Union and Progress. The modernization efforts undertaken by the Unionist government within a monarchical administration, where the institutions of the Sultanate and Caliphate were still standing, sparked violent reactions from a very wide circle. Let us set aside the Unionist hostility of today's funded intellectuals, the 'orange' crowd, and their masters—the armistice intellectuals who combined their personal interests with the political ambitions of the occupiers—and come to the madrasa zealots. The madrasa, not wanting to lose its privileged position, especially regarding tax and military service exemptions, led the anti-Unionist opposition.  On March 31, 1909, the reactionary uprising led by the madrasa targeted the Unionists, officers of the Military Academy, and graduates of modern schools!

In the uprising that took place during a period when the institutions of the Sultanate and Caliphate were still standing; "We want Sharia" slogans are being chanted, captured military academy-trained officers, journalists, and intellectuals are being lynched, the parliament is being raided, and ministers and members of parliament are being killed in the streets! The reactionary uprising that turned Istanbul upside down for two weeks will be suppressed by the Action Army (Hareket Ordusu) arriving from Thessaloniki, which included Mustafa Kemal.

At the root of the hostility toward military academy graduates, modern education, and modernity held by today's representatives of the reactionary tradition lies the resentment over the suppression of the March 31 reactionary uprising by the army. Furthermore, the trauma caused by the army's crushing of imperial-backed reactionary/separatist uprisings during the War of Independence and the early years of the Republic provides the unchanging codes of anti-military sentiment from the past to the present.  

In short, without understanding the deep roots of the hostility toward military academy graduates and the army held by the current spiritual heirs of the March 31 uprising, any assessment made regarding such statements by those governing Turkey will always remain incomplete!