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Home > Authors > Prof. Dr. Barış Doster > The New Middle Ages, digitalization, and foreign policy

The New Middle Ages, digitalization, and foreign policy

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Published: 02.11.2026 06:00

As those interested know, foreign policy, diplomacy, and international relations are historically state-centric fields. They possess strong bureaucracies and robust hierarchical structures. In this context, they carry a conservative character. Foreign policy is a field where institutional memory is strong and the traditions of institutions are influential. For this reason, institutional relations and traditional actors generally come to the fore. 

However, the digitalization that has accelerated in recent years, the major transformation in communication technologies, the widespread use of artificial intelligence—which is drawing attention in almost every field—and the increasing influence of popular culture on a global scale are also being observed in foreign policy, diplomacy, and international relations. 

Therefore, foreign policy is not conducted solely through classic diplomatic channels. It is also produced, disseminated, and represented through cultural production and digital media. Moreover, public diplomacy, which has gained increasing importance in recent years, and the soft power elements frequently used within this scope, are particularly noteworthy. Indeed, in recent years, public diplomacy actors have been added alongside the classic actors of international relations, foreign policy, and diplomacy—namely presidents, prime ministers, foreign ministers, and diplomats. Owners and top executives of globally recognized companies, leaders of non-governmental organizations, opinion leaders, scientists, athletes, and artists have come to the fore as public diplomacy actors alongside their professions, in parallel with their increasing global visibility. This situation has gained greater meaning with technological developments and especially social media. 

One of the events that enabled the faster use of digitalization and advanced technology in foreign policy was the Covid-19 pandemic. Due to the restrictions, bans, limitations, health concerns, security anxieties, and the necessity to save time and use it efficiently implemented worldwide during the pandemic, many meetings, summits, international gatherings, and conferences between leaders, presidents, prime ministers, foreign ministers, and other officials were held in an online environment.  

The owners and top executives of the five major companies briefly referred to today as GAFAM (Google, Amazon, Facebook, Apple, Microsoft) stand out not only with their wealth, the stock market value of their companies, or their profit margins, but also with their influence in the field of information and communication, the advanced technology they possess, and their ability to influence people's decision-making behaviors, consumption habits, and political preferences. These individuals, also referred to as techno-oligarchs in recent years, possess immense power in the fields of artificial intelligence, digital infrastructure, and data mining. Through this, they can steer not only the economy but also politics and foreign policy. Elon Musk, the owner of Tesla, SpaceX, and X (formerly known as Twitter), can be cited as an example of this. Although they are not as active in politics as Musk, Jeff Bezos and Mark Zuckerberg can also be mentioned in this context. 

In parallel with these developments, the traditional institutions and actors of foreign policy are also using new technologies and social media more frequently. In this way, they save time, react quickly to developments, and reach much wider audiences. Digitalization is no longer just an element that speeds up consular services. Artificial intelligence is being used intensively in foreign policy and international relations; the weight of technology in foreign policy processes is increasing, and the traditional actors of foreign policy are using social media much more. 

The widespread use of social media and the increasing influence of digitalization and artificial intelligence have affected the activities of national security and intelligence institutions, which are closely related to international relations, foreign policy, and diplomacy. Advanced technology and artificial intelligence have increased the influence and speed of security and intelligence units. This change has been reflected in almost every area, from fields of work to personnel policies. 

For example, H. R. Clinton, a former foreign minister and Democratic Party politician who was a presidential candidate in previous years in the US, alleged that Russian hackers interfered in the presidential election she lost. Israel loaded bombs into pagers in its attack on Hezbollah members. In countries where electronic voting systems are used, the robustness of these systems' firewalls and the extent of their security vulnerabilities have been opened to debate. 

The fact that advanced technology, digitalization, and artificial intelligence make the construction of cultural hegemony even easier stands out, alongside other dimensions, for its aspect of eroding independence, national sovereignty, and national belonging for nation-states. It is becoming difficult for small and medium-sized states to resist the demands, or even impositions, of large-scale information, advanced technology, and artificial intelligence companies, to protect their own laws, and to defend their own citizens and their social gains. This situation increases exploitation and further weakens the hand of the working class. 

Some experts explain this situation, which has become even more evident in recent years, with terms such as techno-feudalism, digital feudalism, data colonialism, and cyber-colonialism. In this process where capitalism has become even more brutal, the gap between developed, central, industrialized, imperialist states and underdeveloped, developing, poor states is deepening further. Dependency relationships are multiplying and diversifying. The owners of GAFAM companies are actors who, beyond being wealthy, erode and strain the independence, sovereignty, constitutional position, and judicial authority of the nation-state, and they are referred to as digital feudal lords. That is why the process being experienced is also called the New Middle Ages Order. 

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