The first nine months of the First Assembly

FROM CONVENTION  TO STATEHOOD: THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ADMINISTRATION AND THE ARMY 

In the nine months between the opening of the Assembly and the enactment of the Law of Basic Organization (Teşkilatı Esasiye Kanunu), the new state faced  challenges of establishment and consolidation. 

Foremost among these, of course, is the  establishment of the army and the administration.  First and foremost,  an administrative mechanism  it was necessary to establish.  Very urgently. For this, it was essential to access and make available both financial and human resources. 

The alignment of the civil administration with the "nationalists" had been largely completed during the Representative Committee period. Persuading some district governors and provincial governors  to join the  national liberation front had been quite  difficult. In fact,  by force. Once the  ministries  were established,  the wheels of the Anatolian State  began  to turn. 

The most important issue was establishing the army. The available staff was  extremely weak  two  army corps and the  divisions and regiments  attached to them existed.  Do not be misled by their names  as army corps, divisions, and regiments. These were units with minimal organization. Apart from Karabekir's 15th and Cebesoy's 20th Army Corps, the army had dwindled to almost nothing. 

There were no resources for the conscription and deployment of soldiers. Those called to arms were joining their units  on foot. For this reason, the reorganization of the army (from the Kuvayı  to be able to speak of (regular army)  nearly  a year  will have to pass. 

The greatest gain in the command echelon was the joining of Fevzi Pasha, the Minister of War of the Istanbul government, to Ankara.  

It was also not easy to persuade  the cavalry corps commander, Fahrettin Altay Pasha. He held the rank of Colonel at that time. 

Yakup Şevki Pasha and Ali İhsan Sabis Pasha had been exiled to Malta. 

The participation of these figures in the national army  could only be realized after the Victory of Sakarya. İsmet Pasha and Kazım Özalp entered the service of the national government with the rank of colonel. 

Nurettin Pasha, under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal,  a  movement  hesitated for a long time to join. He joined the movement with reservations. He was appointed as the commander of the Central Army.  This army acted together with the Giresun volunteer regiment in the Pontus and Koçgiri disciplinary operations. The operations in which 'Sakallı' (Bearded) Nurettin Pasha actively served  were internal security operations. He always caused problems for Gazi Pasha and only reluctantly consented to his leadership.  has demonstrated. 

Officers and reserve officers (ihtiyat zabitleri) gradually strengthened the ranks of the national army. The reason this process was spread over time was that financial resources were extremely limited. 

Ultimately, the Army was established. As stated in the Populism Program, the army was the army of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey.  However, for it to reach  the capacity  to achieve victory, it needed to be strengthened in terms of training,  equipment, and ammunition. Resources needed to reach a level that could enable the army to launch an offensive. This would not be easy at all. 

THE BASIS OF DIVISIONS: FOR WHAT PURPOSE DID THE PARLIAMENT CONVENE? 

The First Parliament  had a conservative  majority.  Under these conditions, the great savior of us Turks  led the way  to liberation and revolution.  Doğan Avcıoğlu used the following  expression for this situation  had used:  Conservative  forces and revolutionism. A very accurate expression. 

The First Parliament  the first thing that needs to be emphasized  regarding   its history  is this: Many who personally objected to it  deputies certainly  existed. But for liberation, they were not  raising  their voices too much. Even if a debate  arose,  the tension was eventually lowered. After a  quite tense  session, Hüseyin Avni Ulaş  “I am proud  to have been a friend  of His Excellency the Pasha  since the very first days,”  as in the words   he used.  They believed  that he should be supported for the liberation. 

For Mustafa Kemal, the principles of the unity of powers and  parliamentary supremacy adopted  in the first sessions of the Parliament  -when the time and place were right-  had established a solid   legal  foundation for making revolutionary decisions. 

Conservative  As for the others, they too, for different considerations,   defended  parliamentary supremacy. The following words of Erzurum Deputy Hüseyin Avni Bey  are famous:  “We are in favor of  parliamentary dictatorship.  We are against individual dictatorship.” It is well known who he meant by the individual.  It is also well known what kind of thoughts lay behind these words. 

Mustafa Kemal Pasha's opponents were also planning to block his path with this principle. 

Until May 1921, there was no environment in the Parliament that could be fully described as a political party.  The fundamental reason for this  is the state of   national defense and military   vigilance. 

In the winter of  1921.  the situation became clear. In terms of the political regime, of course. The nationalist resistance against the Allied  occupation  had to  strengthen. To reach  final victory,  a policy of unity was essential. They made him  commander-in-chief.  They made him commander-in-chief.  

AFTER LIBERATION,  WHAT WILL HAPPEN TO  THE CALIPHATE AND THE SULTANATE? 

The Law of Fundamental Organization had clearly stated  that "sovereignty belongs to the nation."  In other words, national sovereignty. 

 The place where sovereignty was manifested and concentrated was the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. Previously  in the laws enacted  the "law of the caliphate and sultanate" was addressed. The first article of the  Law on Rules of Procedure  (September 5, 1920) was as follows: "The Grand National Assembly shall convene continuously under the following conditions until the goal of the caliphate and sultanate, which consists of the salvation and independence of the homeland and the nation, is achieved." Similar expressions  were included in the "Law on the Manner of Election of the Executive Deputies of the Grand National Assembly"   was also included. (May 3, 1920) The concept that the  clergy deputies   relied on mostin this regard was that   the Caliph  was a prisoner in the hands of the Allies.  The consensus of the community (icma-i ümmet)  to the situation  was in control.    

The political content of this conceptualization  was empty. It was also legally contradictory. Where there is  national sovereignty,  there cannot be   a sultanate administration.  Before much time had passed,  republicanism will be defined as  “national sovereignty”. 

From time to time,  to appease conservative deputies, it was stated that “Once success is achieved,  the Caliph of the Muslims will take his rightful place  within the framework of the  constitutional laws and  it was said that it would take its 'venerable place.' Mustafa Kemal Pasha also  used these words. But he did not neglect to add that now was not the time  to discuss these matters. 

After the liberation, what did 'the exalted office of the sultanate and caliphate  within the framework of the law  takes its venerable place' actually mean?   This law  the content of the expression  of its  what it would be  time  and circumstances would determine. 

Within the scope of  the law  in other words   there was actually a "reserve." A caveat. This implicitly meant that both the caliphate and   the sultanate  could  be abolished.  But by law.  And that is  what happened. 

THE FUNCTION OF THE PRINCIPLE OF  THE UNION OF POWERS AND PARLIAMENTARY SUPREMACY  WHAT WAS IT?

In the summer of 1920,  for a significant number of  deputies, the Ankara Parliament had only one purpose for convening: the salvation of the homeland and the nation—  the liberation of the office of the Caliphate and Sultanate from captivity. 

Beyond this, the Parliament  that there could be no  other purpose, and was insisting that this  expression  be included  in the decisions and laws regarding the regime. 

After  the Parliament  convened, the first issue that needed to be resolved was the government  was to be established.  Who would  on what  legitimacy  would  govern  Anatolia? For many deputies, a new  government could not be formed. The government  Ottoman  government. Until liberation  was  realized,  it   was sufficient to establish a "provisional administration."  After liberation,  however,  A return to Istanbul should be made  Ottoman  constitutional institutions should have been restored. 

For  deputies who thought  in this way, the convening of the Parliament in Ankara meant that the Chamber  of Deputies, due to security concerns,  of the homeland  consisted merely of gathering in a safe place. According to them, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey was the Third Constitutional Chamber of Deputies. 

First, a temporary Executive Committee was established. Then,  the Council of Executive Deputies.  

Regarding the administration of the country (governing  affairs), there was confusion. At this point,  the tactic adopted by Mustafa Kemal Pasha proved effective. After the Gazi Pasha's  enlightening speech  to the Assembly, “all power”   in the assembly  ensuring it was concentrated  submitted a motion. This was very important for the history of the Turkish parliament  as a threshold was crossed.  The motion's   acceptance  parliamentary supremacy  and the  unity  of powers  principle  would result in its application throughout the national war of independence.  These principles would later serve as a lever  for  the revolution. 

Conservative deputies were also  pleased with this principle.  Because  they were suspicious of  Mustafa Kemal Pasha's dictatorial tendencies. The Parliament's  legal personality had to be  above his. This  sentiment drove them  was providing relief. The Assembly was supreme. His Excellency the Pasha  was not.  According to them, the rights of the Caliphate and the Sultanate had been, for a temporary period, referred to the  “consensus of the community”  or icma-i ümmet.

TWO CENTRIFUGAL TENDENCIES: WHAT IS HAPPENING IN ERZURUM AND KONYA?  

The administration of the TBMM—in its early phase—was irregular  was busy resisting with forces and  establishing the military  and civil  organization.  Just at this time, there were also those  within the Parliament  who engaged in  suspicious behavior. 

This  attitude is not only related to  the negative impressions   regarding  Mustafa Kemal Pasha. The essence of the matter is this: Some  figures  “while participating in the defense of rights”  were  of the national liberation movement  did not believe it would end in victory. 

I would like to give two examples. The first of these  is the peculiar attitude of Erzurum deputies Celaleddin Arif Bey and Hüseyin  Avni Ulaş.  Both of them  were opponents of Mustafa Kemal. These figures  two months from the parliament  by obtaining permission  in Erzurum and  its surroundings (the eastern provinces) an autonomous  administration  to establish  they attempted. 

Celaleddin Arif Bey was planning to assume all civil and military powers in the province.  Pasha Karabekir  was suspicious of the  course of events. He reported the situation  to Ankara. TBMM Speaker Mustafa Kemal Pasha  warned the  deputies in question via telegram. He stated that according to the Law on Rules of Procedure, this was not possible, and that in the event of  Celaleddin Bey's resignation from his deputyship,  his request for the Governorship of Erzurum  would be decided by the Parliament.  stated that he could submit it to his approval.  The interesting part of the matter is that Celaleddin Arif Bey,  at the Istanbul Darülfünun  constitutional  law  professor (constitutional  law professor). The last  Chamber of Deputies  had been elected speaker. As of that date, he was the second speaker of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) and the Minister of Justice.  Hüseyin Avni Ulaş was one of the harshest opponents. During the opening session of the Erzurum Congress, he had caused a uniform  crisis for Mustafa Kemal Pasha, a brigadier general who had resigned from his post as army inspector. He himself was opposed to the  “gold-braided ones.” In 1922, he would be elected deputy speaker of the TBMM on behalf of the Second Group. 

Another  centrifugal example concerns the  province of Konya.  It appears that Konya deputy and one of the  deputy speakers of the parliament, Abdülhalim Çelebi Efendi, planned  to establish a Seljuk government under Italian tutelage. I believe  the Delibaş   rebellion  was related to this. 

After the rebellion was suppressed,  those referred to the court-martial  one  of them was him. Due to parliamentary  immunity and  his position as the head of the Mevlevi lodge  the  review of the  file was postponed. Later  on the agenda  did not arrive. 

THE INTENSIFICATION  OF THE CIVIL WAR: ALI FUAT PASHA, Çerkes Ethem,  DEMIRCI MEHMET EFE FORCES 

Until the date  the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) was opened,   armed conflicts  were relatively few. For that period, it is not possible to speak of a civil war in the full sense  it is not very meaningful to speak of. There is  rather a conflict between the Representative Committee  and the Istanbul government. A real civil  war  emerged  after  the   Grand National Assembly of Turkey was established.

1919-1920  In the period between, there was a power struggle: this struggle  was carried out  mostly through political means. 

In the Istanbul  press, for the Anatolian  leaders  it was  terms such as bandits, rebels, and Kemalists  were being used,  yet the fact that the Amasya  protocol concluded  with  an agreement shows that the struggle   remained at a  political level.  shows. 

Ankara  Convention  the situation changed after it convened. The National  Struggle  leaders were sentenced to death by the Istanbul Martial Law Court  The decisions were ratified by Sultan  Mehmed VI. 

Just before the opening   of the Parliament, a civil war began between the forces loyal to the Representative Committee and the supporters  of the caliphate and sultanate.   The earliest examples of these  were the Bolu-Düzce-Hendek incidents. The Istanbul Government established the Caliphate Army (Kuva-yi Inzibatiye) under the command  of Süleyman Şefik Pasha.  This was a mercenary  punitive force.  power. It was a  small-scale  legionary army supported by the British, even though it was called the Caliphate Army. 

In this early period, the units  under the command of  Ali  Fuat Pasha, the commander of the  General Kuvayı Milliye, were the forces of Çerkes Ethem's Kuvayi  the planet, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Mahmut Bey  forces  were  effective. 

The TBMM  government  was established,  after which the civil war intensified. Those disciplined by Çerkes Ethem  The Yozgat rebellion is significant in this context. In the Battle of Arap Seyfi Gorge, 300 rebels were  neutralized by Ethem's forces. 

The name of  the First Deputy Speaker of the TBMM, Abdülhalim Çelebi Efendi,  was also implicated in the unrest following the Konya rebellion,  (who was also the head of the Mevlevi lodge).  To be tried  by the Court Martial  was referred. Once it was understood that he was a deputy and deputy speaker, his file was separated. Çelebi Efendi returned to Ankara.

The Denizli incident is  another aspect of the civil war.  Demirci Mehmet, upon the killing of  Sökeli Ali Efe from his own  Kuvayı Milliye forces, raided Denizli. He wanted to burn the city. He executed 114 people. 

The way to end  the civil war  establishing a regular army.  This took time.  But in the end, it was achieved. 

PROBLEMS CAUSED BY THE KUVA-YI MİLLİYE: BENEFITS AND DRAWBACKS  WHAT HAPPENED?

As the Allied occupation began to expand,   national  resistance movements began. The organizations for the defense of rights  financial  and material support,  militia forces  were established. 

These forces were called gangs,  Kuvayı  Milliye, or Kuvayı  Seyyare  were given names like these. This actually meant  guerrilla warfare. The  provisions and weapons of these groups were provided by local  warlords. The most well-known gang leaders were Çerkes Ethem and Demirci Mehmet Efe, Yörük Ali Efe, and Postlu  Mestan Efe.  

These names  at the beginning of the  armistice had created public order problems for the government  figures. For example,  Çerkes Ethem  Izmir  had kidnapped the son of Governor Rahmi Bey  and  demanded a ransom. As can be seen,  they were figures capable of banditry  in a power vacuum.  pioneers of the Kuvayı Milliye. 

When the Greek  occupation   began to expand,  Rauf Bey,  and former Unionists like  Celal Bayar went to the   headquarters of these figures  invited them to join the   “national struggle.” (a call to  abandon banditry and  join  the national struggle)   Demirci  and  others  gang leaders  were  also visited.  These figures joined the cause of liberation. 

Militia  forces   provided the first serious examples  of resistance against the occupations  demonstrated. Among these, the  Malgaç Bridge  raid holds special importance for me.   A young military medical student  also participated in the raid carried out by the Yörük Ali Efe  gang:  Hikmet Kıvılcımlı. 

However, the arbitrary nature of the Kuvayı Milliye  to act  prone  an organization  that it was  should not be forgotten. And that is often what happened. Ethem's  hanging of an elected deputy in Bolu,  Demirci's  Denizli  like attempting to  burn it down. 

Ethem was useful in  suppressing  the rebellions in Bolu, Düzce, Gerede, and Yozgat.  His contributions were significant. Demirci's were as well. But  balance  is important. In the final analysis, what purpose did they serve? That is what needs to be examined. 

As these groups  grew stronger (Ethem's militia force had reached 2,500), they  began to challenge  the administration of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM). 

Ethem's rebellion  process demonstrates just how narrow-minded and prone to violence he was.  In the end,  what he reached  point  has, in my opinion, erased his positive contributions to the  “national cause.”  Words such as “I will go to Ankara and hang Mustafa Kemal in front of the Parliament”  show   his true  caliber.  shows. 

Demirci  acted  more wisely. He surrendered to the forces of Refet Pasha   with  mutual commitments.  He disbanded  his forces.   He placed them under the government's command.  He lived until the end of his life in the village of İğdecik  in Isparta  (1959). A pension was  allocated to him.  Because he had  caused quite a lot of suffering in his time,   after surrendering  to the government, he was isolated  a  life he lived.   In İğdecik, he was subjected to   compulsory/voluntary residence. 

What Ethem  did, however, was to incite a civil war.  During the Great  Greek Offensive, the Western Front  forces (Ismet Pasha)  attacked. Faced with the regular army,  he was defeated. He did not surrender. He joined the enemy. He was taken to Athens.  He spent the rest of his life within the Circassian diaspora in Jordan.  Even after  the amnesty,  he did not return. He died there. 

In conclusion,  The leaders of the Kuvayı Milliye  contributed  to the national cause  during the early period of the  War of Independence. However, starting from the  autumn of 1920,  from the perspective of the  government  became a  problem. In fact,  at a time when they were needed most,  they  caused a crisis. 

ANOTHER DIMENSION  OF THE CIVIL WAR: ARMENIANS IN   ÇUKUROVA - PONTIC GREEKS IN THE BLACK SEA  DEMANDING LAND AND STATE 

When  the First World War ended,  a Greek Pontic State in the Black Sea and  an Armenian state in Eastern Anatolia and Çukurova (ancient Cilicia)  could have been established.  If the demographic situation had been sufficient, with Allied support, this  project  could have been successful. 

The Çukurova  region being occupied by the French  emboldened the Armenians. The French also wanted to take advantage of this.  They established Armenian  legions  within the French army. Armenian gangs carried out an ethnic  cleansing campaign  they initiated.  The region  in order to be able to claim it historically belongs to the Armenians. 

France's   until the date it evacuated the region  the French-Armenian   cooperation  continued.  The Çukurova  region  even after  being taken over  by the  Ankara government,  Armenian  resistance  continued. If you wish, you can call this process  the  guerrilla  war  launched against the TBMM army. The Armenian civil war lasted almost until the end of the War of  Independence.   It lasted  until the end. 

The ideal of establishing a Greek Pontus state  in the Eastern Black Sea region  has always existed. The Greeks defined the region from the Sanjak of Canik to Batum as the historical Pontia (Pontus). During the armistice, this idea   intensified. A Pontus Congress was convened in Batum. At the Paris Conference,  Chrysanthos, the Metropolitan of Trabzon, demanded a homeland  and a state  for the Pontic Greeks. Kurdish  Sherif Pasha also  made similar  demands  for the Kurds. 

The Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM)  government established the Central Army against the Pontic rebels. It appointed Sakallı Nurettin  Pasha as its commander. Topal Osman Ağa’s  guard regiment also  played an active  participated in the manner. 

The struggle against Pontic activities was carried out by the Amasya Independence Tribunal and the Central Army  by  The Central Army's method of suppressing the Koçgiri rebellion was met with anger in the Assembly. The "Koçgiri punitive and disciplinary"  operation is of such importance that it  could be the subject  of a separate article. For this reason, it will not be addressed here.  

Pontic activities, Fethi Bey, Malta  lasted until he returned from exile and was elected Minister of the Interior. Fethi Bey has a  long speech on this subject. Regarding the Pontus issue,  after the  Great Victory,  a result was achieved through the population exchange agreement. 

Greeks capable of bearing arms in  regions not under Greek occupation  were handled by Demirci Mehmet Efe.  were deported. (To the Isparta-Burdur  region) The Aegean Greeks—who identified  themselves  historically as Ionians—  defined themselves as such. By forming gangs,  they clashed   with the Kuvayı Milliye. 

Beyond their insurgent activities, they served in the Greek army  There were also Greeks involved. Local Greek Cydonia and Ionia divisions  were established. The Greek issue was, in the final analysis, resolved through the population exchange. 

A CHALLENGE TO MUSTAFA KEMAL  FROM THE LEFT 

The first challenge to Mustafa Kemal Pasha  did not come from the conservative  front. It came from the left. The conservatives were  remaining silent for the time being. Who made up the left-wing opposition, and from which circles did it emerge?  In short, the Communist  Party of Turkey and    its extensions  in Ankara. The People's Group and the People's Participation Party. These  organizations' cadres came from  the experience  of the Committee of Union and Progress. Including Mustafa Suphi. 

Participationism was the first contact with the Soviets  emerged around the time it was founded. Participation meant Bolshevism and socialism. 

Atatürk also had his  close associates  found a Communist party. In our political history, this is called the  official  communist party.  The other is referred to as the secret  party. 

Most of these movements  emerged under Soviet  influence/inspiration. In the summer of 1920,  leftism was  in fashion in Ankara. Many people  wore  red scarves. Everyone was more or less a Bolshevik. In the winter of 1921,  Vala Nurettin and Nazım Hikmet went to Anatolia  while waiting in Inebolu to be accepted  with other red-scarved individuals  they encountered: these were the Turkish Spartacists. They were returning from Germany. 

A group of names from the People's Participation (Halk İştirakiyyun) circle  at the Ankara Independence  Court  on charges of "overthrowing  the government" with  they were tried. Some names  were convicted. Some were acquitted.  Central Army  Commander Sakallı Nurettin Pasha's  denunciation led to the opening of the  People's Participation Party  case, in which former Minister of Interior Nazım Resmor was convicted. Apart from him, Veterinary Major Hacıoğlu Salih, Ziynetullah Nişurevan and   Bursa  deputy Sheikh  Servet  Efendi were  also tried.  Interestingly, Servet  Efendi was a member of the religious scholarly class (ilmiye). According to him, Bolshevism was the Islam of the Age of Bliss.  The Bolsheviks represented complete equality (müsavat)  they wanted. Sheikh Efendi was one of the deputies who served  in the  first  Diyarbakır Independence Tribunal. Sheikh Efendi was acquitted in this  case. 

Many of the  Unionist  leaders who were abroad had moved to Russia via Germany.  Only Talat Pasha had remained in Berlin, and he too  would be  assassinated  by Armenians. Everyone, including Enver Pasha  who  had moved to Russia,  was interpreting Bolshevism in their own way. Their own  ideas  socialism    and were trying to reconcile it with  socialism. The Baku Congress of the Peoples of the East  of the Peoples  Congress    became proof of this. The minutes of the founding congress of the TKP also  demonstrated this. 

In my opinion, to the Turks  Bolshevism that had spread  behind the winds of  a solid  Marxist   literature did not exist. The political  atmosphere was like that. From the Caucasus to Anatolia  Enver Pasha  under the leadership of   the Green Army, which was said to be  passing through, was the result of such  an aspiration.  Green Army meant a Muslim and Bolshevik army.  Of course,  if such a thing were possible. 

THE INCREASE IN THE  DOSE OF OPPOSITION - MUSTAFA KEMAL ESTABLISHING HIS OWN PARTY  

Until the beginning of 1921  opposition to Mustafa Kemal Pasha  continued at a low level.  One reason for this is that the identity of Mustafa Kemal was-not yet-  an undisputed  leader. Developments  his leadership  identity  will clarify. After the Sakarya  Victory, Gazi Pasha's  leadership position   became clear. Both his  opponents and supporters  understood that salvation  was only possible by  rallying behind him. Whatever your personal objections to him may be  be. To make  him commander-in-chief  was one thing. Politically,  to stand by his side  was   another. 

The Chief  Pasha needed a party. An organization. Law No. 47  The Candidacy Law  was not enough. In every matter,  it  needed a  parliamentary majority  to support it.  He  secured this. This party was the Defense of Rights  would be the First Group. Atatürk founded his own party on May 10, 1921.  His opponents formed the Second Group  in July 1922. And some  political positions  they  also obtained. Especially by organizing  behind Rauf Bey. 

Speaker of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey  and the head of government's  reason for forming  such a group (essentially an unnamed political party) was to consolidate  his numerical strength within parliament. Around him,  a group of deputies  whose numbers increased over time was formed. This  group formed the core  of the Kemalist party.  

MUSTAFA KEMAL  PASHA'S  FIRST  COUNTRY OF CONTACT:  SOVIET RUSSIA 

Mustafa Kemal Pasha, as Speaker of the Parliament and ex-officio Chairman of the Council of Deputies, made it his first priority to establish contact with the Soviet Russian government.  He wrote a letter to Lenin. The letter was held by Chicherin  for quite some time  will be answered later. 

This  step is  extremely important for the national  government. The letter spoke of the defeat of the common enemy, imperialism, and  the need for money and weapons for the Turks' struggle for independence.  it mentioned.  

BEKİR  THE SAMI KUNDUH-YUSUF KEMAL TENGIRŞENK DELEGATION IN MOSCOW 

As soon as the Council of Deputies was established, it was decided to send  Minister of Foreign Affairs Bekir Sami Bey (Kunduh) and Yusuf Kemal Bey (Tengirşenk)  to Moscow to hold negotiations.  (May 1920) 

The delegation's  journey via the Caucasus  to reach Moscow took two  lasted nearly a month.  Initially,  the parties acted with extreme caution toward one another. At a principled  level,  decisions could be reached. Chicherin  stated that they wanted to change the status quo established in the Caucasus by the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.  He made demands in favor of the Armenians. 

Bekir Sami Bey, regarding his relatives'  under the pretext of going to Ossetia, where he was located, he left Yusuf Kemal  stranded halfway on the return journey. (Bekir Sami was an  Ossetian nobleman.) Yusuf Kemal returned to Ankara alone.  Bekir Sami Bey was tasked with managing relations with the West  until he resigned  following the London Conference.  

Yusuf Kemal, on the other hand, went to Moscow again with Rıza Nur to hold  negotiations with the Soviet government.  was sent. Meanwhile, Ali Fuat Pasha was appointed  as ambassador to Moscow. (December 1920)   Tengirşenk, Dr. Rıza Nur, and Ali Fuat Pasha signed the Moscow Treaty together  . (March 16, 1921) 

Yusuf Kemal was  not the Minister of  Foreign Affairs at that time.  Following the vacancy left by Bekir Sami  the acting  for a time by Ahmet  Muhtar Mollaoğlu  was carried out.   Upon his return, Yusuf Kemal  Foreign  Affairs  was appointed to the ministry.  

After the Caucasus was   completely brought under  the control of the Bolsheviks, Soviet Russia  appointed the Georgian Budu Mdivani as its representative to Ankara. (Autumn 1920) His arrival would be followed by that of Mikhail Frunze.  Frunze was one of the most influential commanders  in bringing  the civil war to an end  in favor of the Red Army.  

Frunze arrived in Ankara in  December 1921 with a delegation.  He returned after staying in Turkey for about 40 days. 

Once relations between Moscow and Ankara  were based on  mutual trust,  Russia sent Aralov to  the Ankara government  to the  appointed as ambassador. 

THE SOCIALISM KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANATOLIAN  REVOLUTIONARY CADRES   WAS SUPERFICIAL   

The  cadres leading the Turkish war of independence were in the  most favorable location in Anatolia after establishing   a headquarters (Parliament and government)   they turned  their faces to the East. There was talk  of an “Eastern  ideal” circulating. In the West,  to their cause  allied  that could  be  any  power. 

One can speak of the sympathy of socialists in France, Italy, and Germany, and to some  extent, the partial  sympathy of the British Labour Party. 

The reason for that is also largely  was to hold the bourgeoisie responsible for the economic and political chaos that emerged after the war. 

In my opinion,  in Ankara,  apart from a few people,  there was no one who knew about socialism.  There was an imitation of Bolshevism.  Such as Tevfik Rüştü Aras, Mahmut Esat Bozkurt,  and Hakkı Behiç Bayiç.  names had some degree of  knowledge. 

In general,  the initial impressions regarding socialism were positive: Even conservative deputies  interpreted socialism as the Islam of the Age of Bliss. The spring and  summer months of 1920 passed in this manner. 

In Baku, by Mustafa Suphi  and his friends  The established TKP cadres wanted to cross into Anatolia via Kars and Erzurum. The TKP's  national   desire to take part in the liberation movement  is chronologically a continuation of the People's Group (Halk Zümresi), the People's Participation Party (Halk İştirakiyyun Fırkası), and   Nazım Bey's (Resmor)  election as  Minister of the Interior. 

The Ghazi, in his Nutuk (Speech),  Nazım Bey speaks of  his “secret  participation” since the Sivas Congress. The Candidacy Law  was enacted    to curb  such attempts. 

The crossing of Turkish communists into Anatolia with a delegation can be interpreted as a challenge to the cadres surrounding Mustafa Kemal Pasha.  interpreted as a challenge. 

I would like to touch upon two more things regarding this matter.  I would like to touch upon two more things regarding this matter.  One is  the parliament's  in its very first days the "Eastern ideal" to examine a delegation  to the Caucasus  and to Russia  is the decision to send them. The Eastern ideal meant socialism. 

The other is the political program of the People's Group (Halk Zümresi). Its content  the Islam of the Age of Bliss  was trying to reconcile with the Soviet administration. The starting point was religion  the point it reached  It was a Soviet-style administration. 

In response to these pursuits, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, as the  Speaker of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) and the  ex-officio head of the Council of Ministers, presented his own program to the Assembly under the name of the "populism program." 

It would be accurate to interpret these developments as follows: The populism program provided the Kemalist cadres with  the regime's  content,  direction, and  provided the opportunity to define its boundaries. 

Populism  program  was transformed into the Law of Fundamental Organization  as a result of three months of negotiations. The point reached must be examined from several perspectives. 

The Anatolian government had  some common ground with the Bolsheviks. One of these was “sovietism” was.  In Russia, this   meant Soviet. But  in Turkey,  it did not. 'Şuracılık' (councilism)  from the perspective of the   Anatolian  government   populism and  national  sovereignty. In Russia,  the ideal of reaching  a classless society. 

For the  Turkish government, national  sovereignty meant the powers  unity, parliamentary supremacy, convention  governance  meant. It drew its ideological foundation from populism. Populism  did not mean a classless society. 

IF SOVEREIGNTY  IS MANIFESTED IN THE PARLIAMENT, WHAT KIND OF STATE IS THIS  STATE? 

Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM)  its legal personality  national  With the 1921 Constitution, which identified itself with national sovereignty, a threshold was crossed.  The Law of Fundamental Organization  to the nation  had delegated. Since national  sovereignty was manifested in the parliament,  there could be no power above it. 

Legislative and executive powers  were inherent in the  legal personality of the parliament.  Executive functions were to be carried out by executive deputies elected individually by the Parliament. The deputies would  conduct the administration  on behalf of the Parliament. In this  distinction, during the First Term of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey  State powers and administration (2000)  titled doctoral thesis (2000) and my book titled The TBMM State  (2001), I recommend  that you take a look. 

Until the Law of Fundamental Organization  was negotiated  and enacted  into law,  a portion of it  laws of constitutional value  were enacted. Some were laws aimed at consolidating the power of the Anatolian government. 

Some of the   laws at a  constitutional level   are as follows: Law No. 3  on the Method of Election of the Executive Deputies,  Law No. 18  Law on the Quorum for Deliberation  Law No. 47  on  Candidacy  law. 

FROM THE POPULISM PROGRAM TO THE LAW OF FUNDAMENTAL ORGANIZATION  FROM THE POPULISM PROGRAM TO THE LAW OF FUNDAMENTAL ORGANIZATION 

Following these regulations, a brochure was presented to the General Assembly of the Parliament  was presented. The brochure was printed  by  the Office of the Speaker of Parliament. The presented  document bore the title   Populism  program.  Date: September 13, 1920. 

The first four articles of the program were Populism  was accepted and declared under the name of a declaration.  The draft first went to the Constitutional Law Committee. Then a special commission was established. The draft  was debated heatedly in the general assembly. The Ankara Convention, in order to protect the  regime of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM),  enacted the Law on Treason against the Nation on April 29, and subsequently  the Law on Deserters   and  the laws regarding the Independence Tribunals. This  laws are those that  represent the coercive power  of the  Anatolian revolution.

Consequently,  under the leadership of  Mustafa Kemal Pasha,  power in Anatolia was effectively  the Representative Committee holding  the Ankara Convention  convened. With the decisions it took and the laws it enacted,  nine  months (April 1920-January 1921)  in Anatolia, a new  state   it established. Of this state  as referred to in the constitution   as the State of Turkey. (Law No. 85  on the Fundamental Organization) The period discussed here is limited to the   first  nine months of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM). Political developments   from this date until the liberation      will be the subject of another article. The deliberation  of the Law on the Fundamental Organization  the process  and content analysis  regarding  on this platform  published  three  I recommend you take a look at my articles.

AT THE BEGINNING OF 1921  HOW CAN THE  REGIME BE DEFINED?  

The Law on Candidacy had largely eliminated the heterogeneous   structure   within the government (Council of Ministers). The regulation (No. 47) provided Mustafa Kemal Pasha with the opportunity to work with his own men.  Since October 25,  the date  onwards  the debated Law of  Fundamental Organization was enacted on January 20, 1921. The draft was initially  presented  as the government's political program. As a result of the deliberations, the   nature    of the regime took shape. For an early  period article, my mentor,  the late Tarık Zafer Tunaya’s “The Establishment and Political Character of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey” (1958)  titled  I recommend you take a look at his article. On this subject,   for anyone who wants to work  it is an article that must be consulted  by everyone. 

When the “Fundamental Provisions” section of the Law of Fundamental Organization (Teşkilat-ı Esasiye Kanunu) is examined,  it is seen that there are no provisions  that could be reconciled with socialism/Bolshevism.  You can see a revolution in the law. This revolution is the Anatolian revolution. This revolution bears the traces  of the great French  revolution.  The revolution  takes place within the paradigm  of the era of bourgeois revolutions.  The dominant language, terminology,  and political  institutions  Convention  parallel to the period  bears characteristics.