The issue of Kurdish representation in the First Parliament (1920-1923)

MUSTAFA KEMAL  PASHA'S  CONTACTS WITH TRIBAL LEADERS 

Atatürk had crossed into Anatolia in his capacity as army inspector. During the period  leading up to  the opening of the Parliament, through correspondence via letters and telegrams  and from the years of the First  World War   recognized local  leaders  established contacts. 

At the Sivas Congress, the Defense of Rights  organization  and  the Representative  Committee  In Anatolia,  they effectively seized power and forced the  Damat Ferit government in Istanbul to resign. 

Meanwhile, peace  conference  initiatives  were continuing. At the Paris  Peace Conference  The   “Eastern  Question”   was to be resolved. The final  item on the agenda  was Turkey.   The  victorious allies of the war  Anatolia and  Northern  Mesopotamia  encompassing   a Kurdish  Kingdom and  an Armenian State in the  Six Provinces  to establish  they intended. Our national  war of independence ending  in victory  rendered both plans invalid. 

During this process, the Chairman of the Representative Committee, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, [addressed] the Elviye-i Selase (Kars, Ardahan, Batum)  and  the allies' Kurdistan  of the provinces they intended to establish  ensuring that their representatives  took part in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM). These provinces also participated  in the 1919  Chamber of Deputies elections. 

ATATÜRK'S CONTACTS  ESTABLISHED AFTER  THE ERZURUM CONGRESS 

Mutki Tribe Chief Hacı Musa Bey, Küfrevizade Sheikh Abdülbaki Efendi in Bitlis, Abdurrahman Ağa from Şırnak, and from Derveşli  Ömer Ağa, Resul Ağa from Musaş, Sheikh Ziyaettin Efendi from Norşin, Cemil Çeto Bey in Garzon, and former members of the Chamber of Deputies  Sadullah Efendi and Sheikh  Mehmet Efendi were informed of the Congress decisions.  He invited them  to join  the National  Struggle. (Nutuk Vesikalar III, pp. 937-945)

AL-JAZIRA  FRONT COMMANDER  INSTRUCTIONS FROM THE EXECUTIVE  DEPUTIES  COMMITTEE TO PASHA NİHAT ANILMIŞ 

Executive  Deputies  committee  after its establishment, the delegation's   natural chairman  Mustafa Kemal Pasha  sent an instruction to the commander of the El-Jazira Front,  Nihat Pasha, on June 27, 1920. This instruction,   which was understood by  certain circles as a "promise of autonomy to the Kurds,"  was...  we know. These are all deliberate interpretations made without awareness of the period's conjuncture.  The Speaker of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM)   in his directive, requested that Kurdish  leaders be invited  to declare their aspiration  to live under the administration  of the TBMM.  He requested this. 

Nihat Pasha established  contact with Kurdish leaders. He met  with them in Diyarbakır. As an old  state tradition, he gifted  weapons to these leaders. The number  of weapons gifted was 120. This   shows that even though their  strengths differed  interlocutor  tribal  leaders'  number  should provide an idea regarding the matter. 

DOUBTS REGARDING THE FUTURE  OF THE ANKARA CONVENTION 

From the opening of the Parliament  Until the 1921 Law of  Fundamental Organization,  the ideological color of the Anatolian  revolution was not   fully clear. According to some,  the direction  was Bolshevism  or a republic. The deputies  among them also  regarding the future  there were different projections. 

For example, Parliament  Second Speaker Celaleddin Arif Bey  Erzurum-based     a  administration of the Eastern Provinces  acted with the intention of establishing.  Other  justifications  by putting forward, he went to Erzurum with three months' leave. With him  consensus  that he had reached  there were other deputies as well. Celaleddin Arif Bey had also served as Minister of  Justice,   a   professor  of international law. His initiative was met with backlash following a warning from Karabekir.  Ultimately, he was removed from the scene by being sent to Rome as a representative. 

Another example is the initiative of Konya deputy Abdülhalim Çelebi Efendi.   initiative.  Çelebi Efendi was the first  deputy speaker of the Parliament and the Mevlevi leader in Konya. Regarding the Italians in Konya  under the protection of  he thought he could establish a Seljuk government  he was thinking.  He was sought to be tried on the grounds that he was one of those responsible for the Delibaş uprising. His immunity file  came to the parliament. The file was not scrutinized much.  

Minister of Foreign Affairs  Bekir Sami Bey was also confused. While returning from his  first visit to Moscow, where he was sent with Yusuf Kemal Tengirşenk  his relatives  left the delegation under the pretext of seeing. Bekir Sami, the Great  in the Circassian exile  had migrated to the Ottoman Empire from the noble  class   was a Circassian.    As it is told, in Ossetia  a state  the possibility of establishing  had gone to see on-site.

Upon his return, he was sent  to the London Conference. Here, too,  regarding  confusing   statements  were made.  was present.  Expansion of authority  and defined decentralization as autonomy.  He used expressions that defined it as such. In 1921,  he made comments  regarding the provincial administration in the Constitution that could lead to it being understood as “autonomy for the Kurds.”  He later tried to correct this. Upon his return, he cited “other  reasons.”  was forced  to resign. These statements by the former Governor of Beirut show that he was not in command of the developments in Ankara. 

WHAT WAS  THE CLASS-BASED  GROUND  REPRESENTED  BY  KURDISH DEPUTIES?

For example, in the  province of  Dersim, they were mostly  tribal  chieftains.  Such as  Diyab Ağa, Mustafa Ağa, and Hasan Hayri Bey. 

Apart from this, tribal  who were from the heads of families, and who had   joined the army after studying in the tribal classes of the Military Academy.  Most  of them were  cavalry officers. 

In developed  city centers   such as Diyarbakır  large landowners, who had been   involved in politics since the constitutional era  were present.  Regarding  some  of them, after the armistice  period,  Armenian  allegations that they had confiscated their property were brought to the agenda. The Allies  took these allegations  very seriously, considering them war crimes. They ensured that these individuals were tried  in the Martial Law Court. They were not satisfied with this.  They took them  to Malta  to try them themselves.  For example, Zülfü Tigrel and Pirinçcizade Feyzi Bey.  

CIVIL ADMINISTRATORS  AND LOCAL OFFICIALS ELECTED AS MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT 

These  members of parliament  have no local connection to the province  from which they were elected. They are  civil administrators who happened to be there during the elections. For example, Van Governor Haydar Vaner. Another example is the Hakkari  Governor  It is Mazhar Müfit Kansu.   Kansu,  is the author of the book  “With Atatürk from Erzurum until his death.”   He was  a member of the Representative Committee.  He was part of the national  liberation movement.   has been involved from the  very beginning. At every stage of the revolution,  he was always by Mustafa Kemal Pasha's side. 

These two names were first  elected to the 4th term of the Ottoman Chamber of Deputies.  Later, they became members of the First Parliament.  They became members of the First Parliament. 

Of these  besides, in some provinces  and district centers, there were also local notables who had served as members of the provincial general assembly,   or as members or chairmen of the municipal council.  Civil, judicial, and administrative  departments'  directors  were also among   the names elected to the First Parliament. 

There were also  Unionists who had been involved in politics since the Constitutional Era.  They joined the Association for the Defense of Rights.  Those who took part  in Mustafa Kemal's  cadres  were elected as    members of parliament in later periods.  

An  important point: Those  among the deputies of religious  background who were part of the First  Group (the Kemalist party) maintained their positions after the first parliament.  In the Second Term,  those nominated by  Mustafa Kemal Pasha numbered around 10.  there are deputies.

ETHNICISM-REGIONALISM-KURDISH  IDENTITY AND TURKEY IN THE FIRST PARLIAMENT  In the First Parliament, 

not only   Kurdish identity   but also  other ethnic elements  also  from time to time  has come to the agenda: For example  the Laz and Circassian peoples.  Among the deputies  there have been tensions  regarding ethnic origins.  In fact  resentments. 

Regarding the Circassians,  it can be said that:  Following the Great Circassian  exile, especially   the aristocratic  classes were integrated into  the Ottoman administration.   they have become fully integrated.  Important  state  positions were held by them: For example, Rauf Bey (Orbay)  and Bekir Sami Bey  (Kunduh) came from such  families. For several generations, the Ottoman  state had been their home.  had entered the  elite class. 

The word  Kurdistan   certainly  did not carry the same meaning as it does today. When viewed  from the capital, it contained  backward  underdevelopment, feudalism, and partial  despite the victimization  loyalty  that was  a concept of Kurdishness.   In the  National Struggle,  however, with the Turks   a shared  destiny, loyalty to the  administration of the  Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) and the  determination  to be  represented  there. 

Although the Koçgiri rebellion was  suppressed with disproportionate   violence by   Sakallı Nurettin Pasha, the way the  Grand National Assembly of Turkey handled the incident did not  deepen the resentment. Kurdish identity,  throughout our national  war of independence, was Kurdish-nationalist  did not mean separatism. 

In the general assembly, within ethnic groups  when tensions rose  mostly terms like “various elements of   Islam…”  “a sincere community”  such as  were resorted to. The situation was being calmed down.  However, I  do not believe  that this  definition  has a  realistic  political  equivalent on its own.  I think. 

Namely, if religious  unity  alone  were the determining factor, Arabs  and Albanians  would also  be part of this partnership  should have  been. They are not. The reasons for both unity and separation are different. 

 In my opinion, the historical,  sociological, and  geographical  reasons for the Kurds' decision  to share a common destiny  with the Turks under the roof of the TBMM  there are reasons for this. 

The first reason  is the homeland. The common geography is Anatolia.  The second  reason is that Kurdish elites, for various reasons,  to Ottoman Turkey  were loyal.  Tribal leaders,  The   Kurdish  ulema's loyalty to Turkey  was based on  centuries spent under  Ottoman rule and  the Sunni tradition. 

Wealth   the owning  classes (the  local notables on the verge of bourgeoisification) and the  petty bourgeois  class had studied in Ottoman-Turkish  schools and even at the Darülfünun.  The language used in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) was Turkish. The Kurdish  elites knew Turkish. The common language was Turkish. Perhaps the most important point  was also this.  

The  underlying  reason  for this  was  the expanding  schooling and education that came with modernization. Kurdish-origin deputies  most of them  had completed their rüştiye (middle school) or idadi (high school)  education. 

When these facts   are taken into account, despite the presence of different  ethnic elements,  the lands of Anatolia were the common homeland of these people. 

Thus,  for these reasons, in the First Term   Grand National Assembly of Turkey, a tribal  cavalry officer who had studied in  tribal schools and was from Dersim   as a member of parliament, and,  having studied at the Medresetül Kuzat in Istanbul (the School of Justice  which trained judges for Sharia courts) and  became the Mufti of Erzincan   one person  was a member of the  same parliament.  (Meanwhile, the Medresetül Kuzat  is currently the Istanbul University Rare Books Library) 

Another category is,  “Since the declaration  of freedom   since” Unionism   through  is the Kurdish notables who engaged in politics. Let us also state this. All  of these different  identities were able to  come together under the  roof of the TBMM. 

Very  most had a different mother tongue. Despite this,  all of them  were brought together on the threshold of the  “National State” by Turkish education. Turkish,  since the  1864  Vilayet Regulations, had been used in all civil-administrative state affairs  as the language of use.   was the official language. 

THE IDENTITIES  OF THE DEPUTIES 

In this distinction, even if not  entirely,  what caught my attention was  how the deputies  participated in the Ankara Convention  and what they  represent  to the reader's  attention.

VAN- BİTLİS  DEPUTIES 

 Van   deputies  let us consider: For example, Hasan Sıddık Haydarani was the son of a tribal leader who had   served  as a Hamidiye Regiment commander.  (1887-1961)

Haydar Vaner was from Podgorica (Montenegro)    and was a civil  administrator.  (1873-1954) The elections  was the governor of Van during  that time. He had participated in the Sivas Congress.  He was elected as a  deputy for Van  to the  IV. Term   Ottoman Chamber of Deputies.  He joined the Anatolian Parliament.  In 1920, by the decision of the   Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM)  he was appointed as the Governor of Konya.  During the Delibaş rebellion  he was on duty there.  Due to his approach  to the events  he was  fell out of favor. After the National Struggle, he settled in Istanbul. 

Tevfik Demircioğlu had served as the  director of population in Van.  During  the elections, he was serving as  mayor. After the First Term, he  withdrew from politics, living between  the years 1862-1930.  a local administrator who lived through it.  

Hakkı Ungan (1880-1943) was someone who was very  close to Mustafa Kemal Pasha. He withdrew from politics after the victory. He did not  want  to be a member of parliament again.  The Medal of Independence awarded to him and a war  booty  weapon  outside of  without accepting anything   to his homeland  Van  returned. In the Ottoman  Chamber of Deputies  he was also  the representative for Van.  

To make a brief assessment,  the deputies of Van,  those associated with the Hamidiye Tribal Regiments;  when the national war of independence began,  consisted of  civil administrators serving there or  local officials.  it was composed of.   

As for the deputies of Bitlis, the name that  caught my attention the most is  Yusuf Ziya Koçoğlu, who was executed during the Sheikh Said rebellion. 

Yusuf Ziya Bey's unionist  rhetoric up until the republic is recorded in the minutes. His speeches during the Lausanne Conference are in this direction. On the grounds that he was  one of those responsible for  the Sheikh Said rebellion, he was  by the Independence Tribunal.  was sentenced  to death. (1925) 

Arif Hikmet Özdemir was the  mayor  of Bitlis.  After a long  hiatus,  he returned in the 1946 elections—during the VIII. term—once again  Bitlis  deputy  was elected. 

Derviş Sevünç, born in 1876;  was a Bitlis member  at the Erzurum Congress.  

Bitlis  deputies  that can be said regarding  is that they  were the local   leaders  of Bitlis.  is in the direction of. 

MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT FOR DIYARBAKIR 

Under this heading, I would like to draw your attention  that I would like to draw  attention to are two figures.  The first  is Pirinçcizade Feyzi Bey.  Before joining the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM), he served as a member of the Chamber of Deputies for four terms. This is an important point.  He is a politician  from the Constitutional era. 

Pirinçcizade Feyzi Bey,  He also served as Minister of Public Works after the republican revolution. When the Second Parliament opened, he took office in the cabinet of Fethi Bey. He is one of the  Malta  exiles.  On the grounds that he had  seized   Armenian property,  he was taken by the British  to Malta to be tried.  While in Malta,  he was again elected as a deputy for Diyarbakır  to the Chamber of Deputies. (1919)  In 1921,  he was released during the Inebolu prisoner exchange. He joined  the Ankara Parliament. He is the son of  Ziya Gökalp's maternal uncle. In Lausanne, he was part of  Ismet Pasha's advisory delegation.  took part. My judgment regarding him is as follows:  He was from the notable class of Diyarbakır: In other words, he represented the hegemony  class.  He was one of the regional  rulers.  An Unionist during the Constitutional Era, and a CHP member during the Republic. He always  sided with the  dominant power at the center. 

Another important name  is Zülfü Tigrel.  (1877-1940)  He was also from Diyarbakır and   until    his death  he was a continuous member  of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) as a deputy.  was elected. It is evident that this finding is quite significant  in terms of  sovereignty relations  and   the new regime. 

At the Lausanne  Peace Conference,  he also went with İnönü. As part of the advisory delegation  member.  The  meaning of this is:  They were sent there to defend the TBMM  government against a provocation involving  Kurds coming from England. 

While we are on the subject, a note  to add  I would like. Along with Pirinçcizade, another name    subject to allegations of the Armenian  genocide and the seizure of assets  is  Antep deputy Ali Cenani Bey. (1872-1934) He was a deputy  during  four   terms of the Ottoman Chamber of Deputies.  was elected. He, too,  by the British  to be tried  was taken to Malta.  In 1921,  upon his return, he joined the Ankara Parliament. During the Republic, he served as Minister of Trade in the governments of Fethi Okyar and İsmet Pasha.  He served.  tried at the Supreme Court  is the second minister. The first is İhsan Eryavuz.  The Havuz-Yavuz  case  due to (1927)  The crime attributed to Cenani Bey: improperly spending 500,000 liras allocated to the Ministry of Trade to prevent the rise of flour and grain prices. Ali Cenani was sentenced by the Supreme Court  to 1 month in prison  and a fine of 170,000 liras.  (1928)

The common characteristic of all three deputies is that they belonged to the local notable class. This class was connected to the  hegemony in Istanbul through the Ottoman elite class. 

We can define these figures  as the   hegemonic powers of the periphery.  All of them had been members of the legislative    assembly since the constitutional period. During the constitutional era,  they were Unionists, and in the republic   in the regime, a member of the CHP. 

Abdülhamit  Cinten, from Diyarbakır  a  primary school principal. (1871-1928)

Abdülkadir Kürkçü, from Diyarbakır and a Gendarmerie Regiment   commander, also a member of parliament  in the second term.  was elected. 

Mustafa Akif Tütenk, a teacher from Diyarbakır  and a local journalist.  He was a friend of Ziya Gökalp. He was present at the opening of the Parliament on April 23, 1920:  he was present  at the  first session   100  is one of the deputies from the vicinity.  He returned to his hometown in the second term. He was not  elected as a deputy. 

DERSIM DEPUTIES 

Among the deputies representing the province of Dersim, three figures  are quite interesting. At the  forefront of these  is, of course, Diyab Ağa  comes. After the liberation, with Atatürk  official  in his car  who is official   Ferhatuşağı  tribal leader. The other is Mustafa Ağa. Born in 1859  born.  leader of the Abbasoğlu tribe. The third person  Hasan Hayri Kanko. 

Diyab Ağa, born in 1852  in Çemişgezek.  A tribal leader  from the era  of Sultan Abdülaziz.  He passed away in Sivas in 1935.   He passed away in 1935 in Sivas. 

He participated   in the Erzurum Congress together with Major Hasan Hayri Bey from  Dersim. In 1922, he submitted the motion  to make Dersim  a province. Previously, Dersim  was a  sanjak. It was  governed by a mutasarrıf. 

Atatürk had a  salary allocated to him.  He also served as a   Hamidiye  militia commander during the reign of Abdülhamit.  Presumably  the first Armenian  rebellions  should be during. Also in the First World War  militia  forces  commander. 

Hasan Hayri Kanko: Son of the chief of the Hozat Şeyh Hasanlı  tribe.  In the Military Academy's Tribal  class  educated. As a cavalry lieutenant  he was  assigned to the Siverek tribal cavalry regiment.  He was executed during the Sheikh Said  rebellion.  His grave is in Elazığ.  His grandson was elected as a medical doctor and a member of parliament from the CHP,  elected, 

Mustafa Zeki Saltık was born in 1881 in Hozat.   He also  studied at the  Military Academy's  tribal class. He served as a member of the Sivas Independence Tribunal.  He returned to the army  in the second  parliament. As can be seen,  From Dersim,  there were deputies who were elected and later executed, as well as those who were members of the  Independence Tribunal. 

Ahmet Rasim Tan is of Zaza descent, from the Karaballı tribe. He also received his education in the  Tribal  class  at the Military Academy  and became an officer in the Ottoman tribal regiments. 

To make an   assessment, the Dersim  deputies  were either directly  tribal leaders  or officers who had  studied in the tribal  classes at the Military Academy.  Cavalry officer  majority. 

This shows that all of them  received their education  at the center of the State during the final period of the Ottoman Empire.  None of the Dersim   deputies  in the second term  He is not a member of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM).  This is significant. 

ERZINCAN AND ELAZIZ (MAMURATÜL  AZIZ) DEPUTIES  DEPUTIES

The first name   that should be mentioned among the Erzincan deputies  is undoubtedly Sheikh Hacı Ahmet Fevzi Efendi. The Sheikh was born in Erzincan in 1861.  

A delegate in Erzurum and Sivas and  a member of the Representative Committee.  After the Erzincan armistice, which ended the First World War with the Russians,  the Russians took the Sheikh prisoner and brought him to Tiflis.  Nine months later,  he returned.  The Bolshevik revolution and the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty  provided  due to new conditions  must have been released. 

Towards the end of the  First Grand National Assembly of Turkey  he fell ill and returned to his   hometown, where he passed away: April 16,  1923. 

Another scholar from Erzincan   member of parliament   Osman Fevzi  Efendi. (Artillery)  Mufti of Erzincan.  First  Before the Parliament, in 1908  to the Chamber of Deputies  member  elected, and he is also one of those who attended the Erzurum Congress. 

Mehmet Tevfik  Kütükbaşı, from Erzincan. He served as a  district director in Refahiye and Kemaliye. While serving as  acting district governor,  he was elected to the First Parliament. 

Mehmet Emin Bey, however, is not  from Erzincan. He is a civil administrator. Originally from Bursa. While he was the district governor of Pötürge,  was elected as a deputy. 

The last  deputy, Hüseyin Aker,  was born in Erzincan in 1893. He was a graduate  of a Rüştiye (middle school).  This is an education  at the middle school level. But for that time,  it was significant. The feature that distinguishes Hüseyin Aker  we must remember with: on the 50th anniversary of the Republic  50th anniversary  one of the members of the First Parliament who was still alive.  Together with Fahrettin Altay Pasha and İnönü, he was in the first parliament  invited as a guest of honor  invited to  the organized  ceremonies. 

The representatives  from Elazığ  are as follows: Hüseyin Gökçelik, a member  of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM)  since the first  term. He served for four terms. He came from the security forces, having  begun his  career as a police officer.  He served as chief of police in  Diyarbakır and Bitlis. His hometown is  Elazığ.  

Muhittin Çöteli,  was elected to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey for  three terms. He comes from the  Ottoman Chamber of Deputies.  Mehmet Naci Karaali, 1856  Born in Harput.  First  and second term Elazığ  deputy.  Worked at Ziraat Bank. His career  is in the field of banking.  

Rasim Tekin,  only  member of parliament in the first term.  1877  Arapgir  born.  Civil  and served as a clerk of correspondence in judicial institutions. 

Hasan  Tahsin Berk, originally from Thessaloniki. (1881-1943)  Mamuretülaziz  provincial treasurer.  Among the cadres close to  Mustafa Kemal Pasha in the Parliament. 

MUŞ DEPUTIES 

The most notable among the  Muş deputies is Hacı İlyas Sami Efendi. He has been involved in  politics since the Chamber of Deputies. Since 1908  Muş   deputy.  A Unionist during the Constitutional Era.  One of those  exiled to Malta by the British.  After returning to Ankara,   he was continuously re-elected as a deputy.   During the Republic  Within Mustafa Kemal's cadre. 

Other  deputies  are,  in summary,  as follows: Abdülgani Erten was born in Genç (Bingöl).  He was a local civil servant with a Rüştiye (middle school) level education.  Kasım Dede Bey, from Muş. A member of the provincial council  comes from his membership. Osman Kadri was in the Chamber of Deputies  in the Parliament  and served  in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey for two terms  as a member for Muş. Rıza Kotan, the son of a  landowner from Muş,   served as a  member of parliament for Muş for two terms. He was involved in agriculture and trade  comes from a busy  family. 

HAKKARİ  DEPUTIES 

Among the deputies of Hakkari,  the first name that should be mentioned  is Mazhar Müfit Kansu. Kansu's status as the representative  of this province   entirely due to his  position as governor  of Hakkari at that time. Kansu, born in 1872 in Denizli,   is a graduate of the School of Political Sciences (Mülkiye).  He was one of the first  figures to join    Mustafa Kemal Pasha   from the civil administration wing.  is one of them. 

He attended  the Erzurum and Sivas congresses  and was   elected to the Representative Committee.  He served as a member of the Independence Tribunal,  and from the second term of the  Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM)  from   was elected as a deputy  from his hometown of Denizli.

The other deputy  from Hakkari who came to Parliament,  Seyyid Taha   Efendi, on the other hand,  was from an ilmiye (scholarly) background. İbrahim Arvas,  even though they were elected  did not attend the parliament

SİİRT  DEPUTIES 

Mustafa Sabri Baysan, Qadi of Siverek. Originally from the  Çal  district.  By being part of Mustafa Kemal's team  did not want to be a member of parliament again,   preferring to return to civil service.  

Halil Hulki Aydın, the Mufti of Siirt, was also a member  of the Chamber of Deputies.  He was also a member.  One of the scholars  close  to Atatürk. In later periods, he was elected as a lifetime member of parliament. (1869-1940) 

Salih Atalay,  a mudarris in Siirt. Later,  he returned  to his hometown  and continued  to serve as a mudarris and mufti.  (1873-1961)  

SİVEREK  MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT 

Abdülgani  Ensari, born in Mardin in 1885,  lived until 1974,  and served as a deputy for Siverek  and Mardin. A graduate of the Military Academy. In all  likelihood,  Tribal  graduated from the class.  From the Ensari  tribe. Bekir Sıtkı Ocak, a professor, İhsan Sağlam, born in Trabzon in 1876, is an  officer who served as a gendarmerie  regimental commander in Diyarbakır and Bitlis,  a Unionist. Leaving  the army  to enter politics  entered,  served as a deputy for Mardin during the Constitutional Monarchy,  served,  deputy for Siverek in the First Parliament.  However, after the  Law on Quorum for Deliberation  the governorships of Ankara and Trabzon  to the positions of   was brought in. In the Second Parliament  Ergani  deputy. 

Mehmet Sırrı Tayanç, from Siverek  a civil servant;  Mustafa Lütfi Azer, a figure of Azeri origin born in Russia.  Fatih Madrasa and Darülfünun  graduate  a  teacher. When elected to the First  Parliament, he    was serving as the director of the  Siverek High School. 

BAYAZIT (AĞRI) MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT 

Dr. Refik Saydam,  in the First   in the parliament   Bayazıt  is a deputy.  Bayazıt  was an electoral district  that partially covered  the present-day   province of Ağrı. Dr. Saydam's this  being elected from the province  First World  War   military in the region   might be related to his service as a doctor. As is known,  Dr. Saydam was Atatürk's Minister of Health and İnönü's Prime Minister.

As for the other deputies, Hacı Mehmet Öney was born in Doğubayazıt in 1844. He is a mudarris   from the Muharremzade family. Liva administration  member of the delegation. Due to his illness,  he was granted leave  after 1921. He was sent  to his hometown. He passed away in 1923. 

Süleyman Sudi Acarbay,  a Unionist from Bayazıt, born in 1866,  served in the 1908  Chamber of Deputies. He was elected as a deputy for Bayazıt in the first and second terms.  

DERSIM  DEPUTY KANKOZADE  HASAN HAYRI  BEY 

One of those executed in 1925 (during the Sheikh Said  rebellion) was Hasan Hayri Kanko, who served as a Dersim  deputy in the First Parliament. 

Hasan Hayri Bey, a tribal leader of the Sheikh Hasan tribe, was a graduate of the Military Academy  Tribal  by studying in the class  cavalry  officer  he had become. 

Kankozade Hasan Hayri Bey  Sheikh Said  as one of the organizers of the rebellion  was sentenced to death on the grounds of  His sentence was carried out in Elazığ. 

The conclusion we can draw  from this is as follows: Political actors who adopted a unionist stance in the First Parliament   but  switched to the counter-revolutionary front  after  the republican revolution were tried in revolutionary courts  were tried.  They were punished. 

DERSIM  DEPUTY DIYAB AĞA'S  STANCE 

Diyab Ağa, who took his place on the side of Mustafa Kemal, was a Dersim deputy and  a tribal leader. Born in 1852, he was the  oldest  is one of the deputies.   When Diyab Ağa was born in Çemişgezek,   Sultan Abdülaziz was on the throne. During the reign of Abdülhamit, he was at the  head of his tribe. When the  “Armenian  uproar”  broke out in the Six Provinces during the First World War, the deportation  decision  afterwards, Diyab Ağa was the leader of the  Ferhatuşağı tribe.  He was. 

The stance he took in two important events  is significant. It is of historical importance. 

The first was when the Great Greek Offensive began, the evacuation of  Ankara came to the agenda. The government  moving its center to Kayseri was being discussed. Diyab Ağa  evacuation   opposing  delivered  a speech. This speech, in terms of the parliament's   morale  was of  historical  significance   carries. 

The other is   the delegation  political aspect   being given   during the discussions on, "There is no issue of   Turkishness or Kurdishness. Our origin and lineage are one,"  the words  containing   speech. Diyab Ağa-Mustafa Kemal Pasha  relations were always good  and after the liberation  patronage   was received.

THE LEGACY OF THE  KOÇGİRİ REBELLION   PROBLEMS AND BEARDED  NURETTIN  PASHA 

At the beginning of 1921,   the TBMM  government had two serious   internal security problems:  Pontus and  Koçgiri. 

On one hand, efforts to establish a regular army  against Greek forces in Western Anatolia  were continuing. (Kuvayı Nizamiye) 

The Pontus issue   continued with local flare-ups until 1922 (The Great Offensive). The definitive solution was achieved through the population exchange.  After returning from Malta, Ali Fethi Bey (Okyar) became the Minister of Interior.  The internal security issue he dealt with the most  was this. On this subject, the  secret session records  provide  sufficiently rich information. 

The dynamics of the  Koçgiri rebellion, however, are different. A separate  article  should be written on this. Here,  for now  the point I wish  to bring to your attention  is that the rebellion was suppressed by the Central Army  (commanded by Sakallı Nurettin Pasha - with the support of Topal Osman Ağa's forces)  . 

 The causes of the  Koçgiri rebellion  I will not dwell on. I only   need   to state that in the First Parliament,   Kurdish  representation  had ensured the   legitimacy of the administration. However, centrifugal   movements, national  struggle  and the early republican period   will continue.

It is well known  that the Koçgiri  rebellion was suppressed with excessive violence.   For this reason, a parliamentary investigation  was opened, and the trial of Sakallı Nurettin Pasha  in question  had become. Nurettin  Pasha  from the wrath of the Parliament  was saved by the TBMM   Speaker and Commander-in-Chief  Mustafa Kemal Pasha. The Ghazi told the parliament, "leave that matter to the commander-in-chief. Whatever is necessary  will be done."  commitment softened the parliament. 

Considering the attitude of Nurettin Pasha in the events of  the lynching of Metropolitan Chrysostomos  in Izmir after the Great Offensive  and the lynching of Ali Kemal in Izmit,  it is clear that he was   a kind of Kuyucu Murat Pasha  in his conduct.  I think.

The Council of  Deputies'  instead of the 14 tribes identified as rebels   180   villages  by Nurettin Pasha  were   was suppressed.   The Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM)  to the region, following the secret session dated (October 5, 1921)  deliberations, decided to   send a   delegation.  The name of the delegation  was: The Koçgiri Rebellion Investigation Committee. 

The parliamentary commission assigned to the task prepared a report and  presented it to the   Parliament. The report stated that the "punitive measures were  so severe that they would   create a bleeding tragedy   in the bosom of the nation."  it was expressed. 

Speaking on behalf of the commission,  Bolu deputy  Yusuf İzzet Pasha stated that they had determined  2,000  homes had been burned.   Erzincan Deputy Emin Bey said that the name of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) was being tarnished under the guise of maintaining public order. 

In 1925,  the Sheikh Said  rebellion  of the organizers  on the grounds  that he was  to be executed,  the words of Dersim  deputy Hasan Hayri Bey  are, in my opinion, very interesting:  “Things not even done to the Armenians   atrocities are being committed against the Kurds.” These  words  show, in my opinion,   what kind of historical trauma  the region is built upon.  Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who is 

himself  a commander  and his dismissal is at  my initiative"   he said. To appease  the Parliament,  he was suspended by  the commander-in-chief  and that he would be referred to  a military court   has expressed. 

Such a  measure was not taken; however,   As will be  recalled, Nurettin Pasha, in the Nutuk (Speech), described him as the  person least deserving to share  the honor  of the victory" as  will be defined. 

To investigate  the incident more deeply, "Decision No. 176 of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey regarding the perpetrators of the Koçgiri incident"  was adopted  and a government decree  regarding the "distribution of grain in the National Taxation (Tekalif-i Milliye) warehouses to the public"   was issued.  See also: TBMM  Secret Session Minutes dates: 4-5. 10, 29.10. 1337 dated  sessions, 16.1.1338,  22.7. 1338  dated  sessions. 

February 28  1922 (1338) dated “seed to be given to those who   suffered misery in the Koçgiri incident”  and  regarding food supplies, for Law No. 196  see: Düstur III, April 30, 1338.  see: Düstur III, April 30, 1338.

SAKALLI  NURETTİN  A POINT I AM CURIOUS ABOUT REGARDING PASHA 

TBMM  by  who was harshly criticized and even  sought to be referred to the Independence Tribunal, Sakallı Nurettin Pasha's  Great  Offensive  1st Army  being the commander. 

From this, his  in terms of age and seniority  taken into consideration  that he was a general  should be concluded. As of that date. However, Nurettin Pasha   National  Struggle  cadres  long  after hesitations  had participated.  It was he who denounced the People's Communist Party of Turkey. He was a fierce   anti-Bolshevik.  He was an extremely  conservative general.  Always against  Atatürk  had a skeptical  attitude. In my opinion, he did not  express his true  thoughts. However, it is understood from the photographs of the period that there was a cold and distant relationship. 

SENDING A DELEGATION  TO KURDISTAN  BY THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 

Nurettin  to the Independence Tribunal  having been saved at the last moment from being referred    following the parliamentary debates, to Kurdistan  was taken. The official  title  of the decision is “The decision to send a delegation  to Kurdistan  by the Commander-in-Chief”.  Seven people were selected for the delegation from the  deputies of  Van, Muş, Siverek, Bitlis, and Diyarbakır. This  shows that the  delegation  traveled to all  provinces of Eastern Anatolia. For more on this, see Secret Session  Minutes, Volume  III, March 6, 1922. 

As can be seen, after the  quite troubled  year of 1921,  the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) established a commission and prepared a report. The Commander-in-Chief   formed another  commission consisting of  seven people.  sent. In the assignment,  the phrase “with an important national duty”  should be noted. 

The conclusion I draw  from all of this is that, before  the Great Offensive, fragile points  that could shake unity were identified  and solidarity was reinforced  will be examined. 

KURDISH  LEADERS' MESSAGES OF   LOYALTY  TO THE TBMM 

During the National War of Independence, at two  critical  thresholds, the Kurds'  representation  came to the agenda. The first is  the London Conference.  Following that,   the Great Greek Offensive will come.  In the secret sessions held on March 1, 19, and 24,  1921, the Speaker of the Parliament  stated, "The Kurdistan issue  by reading the telegram that arrived, stating that there was no such issue  explained to the general assembly. That the Kurds  did not wish to separate from the Turkish union,  and that they   expected no other savior  than the TBMM, by having the telegrams  one by one  read aloud.  presented to the  knowledge of the assembly.

From the  spring of 1921   to the autumn, there is extensive telegraph  correspondence regarding the representation of Kurds in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey.  Meanwhile, a telegram from the  “Al-Jazira National Operation” committee was also sent to the Speaker of the Assembly.  was read by  also here  let us note. 

LAUSANNE  PEACE CONFERENCE PROCESS AND THE KURDS:  

LORD CURZON'S  KURDISTAN  INSISTENCE 

Lord Curzon,  the Kurds'  densely  populated provinces from the TBMM  administration  to separate, constantly  “self-determination”  to the agenda  brought it up. Both at the London Conference  and in Lausanne. 

In the Parliament, the deputies of the provinces  known as Kurdistan announced that the place they represented was the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM).  the TBMM government  under the administration of  living  that they preferred  they emphasized repeatedly. In the West,    they sent protest telegrams  against the initiatives   that provoked  the 'Turkish-Kurdish' division created. 

In Lausanne,  especially in the   heyet-i müşaverede (advisory board)  The presence of  the Diyarbakır deputies  was a measure  taken   against the British. I would like  to point this out. 

WHILE TBMM REPRESENTATIVES  WERE BEING SENT TO LAUSANNE, TO THE KURDS  AND REGARDING THE TURKS   SOME REMARKS 

Bitlis  deputy Yusuf Ziya Bey,  while stating, "This parliament, this state was established to   collaborate    with  Turkish brothers";  Müfit Kurutluoğlu  “Turks are the   heart of the Turkish government.  Other elements    are the limbs”  by saying   a functional  one  deemed it appropriate to provide an explanation.  Muş   deputy İlyas Sami Efendi speaks of  “Kurds who find their own  interests in the salvation of the Turks.”   Erzurum deputy Süleyman Necati Bey, on the other hand, mentions that “Kurds are a Turanian people.” Necati Bey's words

 remind me of the National Security Council after September 12.   remind me of the National Security Council after September 12.  with the instruction of  given at universities by Turkish-Islamic synthesis proponents   "kart-kurt sounds"   and the "Kurdish tribe of the Turks" conferences  reminded me of, for some reason. I am a witness to  one of these. In fact, to me  from the lecturers  one of them  was assigned the task   of accompanying  someone all day long.  Later, he became a deputy  for the DYP (Çiller era)  and the MHP. 

WHILE THE LAUSANNE  PEACE CONFERENCE WAS ONGOING  TELEGRAMS   OF PROTEST TO CURZON 

In Lausanne,  Lord  Curzon attempted to utilize  every opportunity   with the aim of creating a  “Turk-Kurd division.”  Following  this, telegrams from the tribal leaders of the Rişvan, Zorkun, Merdis, Kazru, and İzoli  condemning these  initiatives  were read aloud in the  General Assembly of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey.  Date:  February 5  1923. 

SECRET  REMARKS BY BİTLİS DEPUTY YUSUF  ZİYA BEY  IN CLOSED SESSIONS

While the Turkish  delegation was being sent to Lausanne, a rather long secret   session was held in Parliament. During these discussions, the   those who were exiled  should be focused on   with importance. The content of the discussions regarding giving a political aspect to the Delegation of Representatives  is significant. It was expected that the British would  bring the Armenian and Kurdish issues to the table  in order to  weaken Turkey.  it was expected. 

While giving the delegation a "political aspect"  the Armenian issue  would in no way be  negotiated, and it was specifically  reminded that for the TBMM government, no such issue existed. 

The Kurdish issue  being brought  to the agenda  against the possibility,  the region's   deputies took the floor. In my opinion, the words of Bitlis deputy Yusuf Ziya Bey  are significant for today's Turkey. 

Yusuf Ziya Bey stated that the Treaty of Sèvres  offered the Kurds the opportunity to establish a separate state,  and that instead of struggling in that direction,  the Kurds chose the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM)  participated in the elections and sent their representatives  to the Ankara Convention   stated. 

Although the Allies  promised  a separate state  to the Kurds,  the Turks on the Al-Jazira front  and the Kurds   fought together. They did not want to separate. They are represented in this Parliament. 

Yusuf Ziya Bey  went even  further,  “I am a Kurd, son of a Kurd, and I am one of those who only desire the happiness and well-being of their elder brothers (the Turks).”  “Not to separate the Kurd from the Turk

is our duty.”  that it is necessary, and that the separation of these two elements  would extinguish the fate of both  has stated.  (Secret Session  Minutes, Volume 4, pp. 162-164)  Interestingly, while a peace delegation  

was being sent to Lausanne, such an attitude  was not adopted.  adopted by Yusuf Ziya  Bey's   fate must be examined.  Yusuf Ziya Bey is not in the second Parliament. He was not elected. I believe he was not nominated by the Kemalist party in the 1923 elections because he was close to the Second Group.   by  he was not nominated.  

Yusuf Ziya Bey is not in the second Parliament; but he is present in the Sheikh Said  rebellion. The chairmanship of Süreyya Örgeevren   was tried at the Eastern Independence Tribunal, which he conducted, and was sentenced  to  death. 

İNÖNÜ AT LAUSANNE  AND THE KURDS 

In the session dated  January 23, 1923, the Turkish   chief delegate  Ismet Pasha stated that the Grand National Assembly of Turkey was as much the government of the Kurds  as it was  of the Turks.   He said that the  legitimate representatives of the Kurds  were present  in the Grand National Assembly.  Inönü continued by stating that citizenship status, minority  status and  added that it was superior to autonomy. 

FINAL WORD 

May 14  2023   on the date of  the 28th Term of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey   elections were held. This  in the elections, the grandson of  Hasan Hayri Kanko was elected from Kocaeli. (CHP 1st place)  while from Erzurum (AKP 4th place)  the grandson of   Sheikh Said became  a member of parliament. The ideological and political stance of the parties   that nominated both deputies    is historically significant  that I have found  I would like to state.