The relevance of the Koçi Bey Risalesi

KOÇİ BEY’S IDENTITY AND HIS WORK A FEWWORDSON

The Koçi Bey Risalesi was first published in the new alphabet by Ali Kemali Aksütin 1939. Later, it was also published by Zuhuri Danışman in 1972 with some changes in phrasing.

The treatises were printed in the 19th century using Ottoman script. Some of the translations and printings are as follows. The book that Ahmet Vefik Pasha had printed in London in 1861 was copied in his personal libraryis based on a copy. The person who transcribed the Risale is Abdullah Halife. (It was copied in 1631 in calligraphy andreproduced.) The Russianeditionbelongs to theTurkologist Vasily Smirnov. It is known as the St. Petersburg edition.(1873) The first translation into German was by an Austrianthe orientalistwasdone by Joseph Hammer. (1835) Thefirst Frenchtranslation of Koçi Bey was made by an orientalistnamed François Croixis. Finally, I would like to remind you that it is anearly and important exampleprinted at theEbüzziya Tevfikprinting house. (1885)

KoçiBey was most likely taken into the palace during the reign of Sultan Ahmed I as an Albanian devshirme.He was trained in the Enderun and assigned to the Privy Chamber (Has Oda), which was reserved for the courtiers closest to the sultan. This alone is a testament to his merit and ability.is enough to prove that he was one of theleading figures of his era. Some authors mention that the companion mentioned inKatip Çelebicould be Koçi Bey.

DATES OF THE WRITING OF THE RISALES REGARDINGA NOTE TO BEGIN

Koçi Bey wrote his treatises when the Ottoman order had begun to deteriorate significantly. The first summaries were presented to Murad IV in 1631.

This date is approximately 100 years after Suleiman the Magnificent besieged Vienna (1529). This does not correspond to a long period in the life of a state. The Vienna siethe end of the clashnot being able tograsp, even if a military defeat against the West had not been suffered, means that the balance of power was slowly shifting.

KOÇİ BEY - NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI COMPARISON

Koçi Bey, in addressing the issuesIn terms of his style, he can be compared tothecentury before, who livedthe ItalianthinkerNiccoloMachiavelli. This thinkI also agree with this thought. Both authors presented their thoughts on the dynamics of politics to the Prince (Monarch-caliph sultan). Machiavelli had completed The Prince in 1513. Its publication took place in 1532.could be. Koçi Bey, on the other hand, presented histreatises as manuscripts. What he wrote can also be evaluated within thetradition of political treatises and advice literature.The treatises were written in the form ofproposals.They were written.

KOTHE SOURCE OF SEDITION AND CORRUPTION IN THE KOÇI BEY RISALES

When the treatises are examined, the first thing that catches our attention is that Koçi Bey saw the deterioration in the land system as the foundation of the Ottomandeclineitselfit is understood. He insistently emphasizes in his work that for the land-grant system to continue in a healthy manner, the distribution of timar and zeamet must be carried out in accordance with justice and equity. Acstating that the new timars being subject to the sultan'swill is the foundation of thecountry.

Koçi Bey writes that sedition and corruptioncause the ruin of the subjects. He identifies the reason for this as bribery.sees. Hedescribes bribery as the "devil." Hesays that because of the world, ifbribery is not abolished, justicewill not be possible.

THE EROSION OF THE OFFICE OF THE GRAND VIZIER

In state administration, a Grand Vizier who hasproven his skills for yearsattaching importance to remaining inoffice, Koçi Bey points out that the Grand Viziershould be kept independentin his dutiesandshould not be interfered with.In his treatise, he writes that the office of the Grand Vizier is a sublime position. If this post has been entrusted to the right person, he does not find it appropriate for them to be dismissed without cause. Regarding procedure and protocol, the decay with thesewords. He explainsit. “In thepast,one would not speak in the presence of the Sultan about the Grand Vizier, the viziers, and the scholars.” Thesewords indicate that the treatises were presentedduring ait is understood thatin the presence of the sultan,openlycriticisms weremade.

TIMARSYSTEMTHE END OF THE DETERIORATION OF THE LAND (TIMAR) SYSTEMRESULTS

Dirlik meanstimar. Timar is a subjectthat Koçi Beyattaches great importance to. There is a summary regarding this withinthe treatise. The summary explains how the deterioration of zeamet andtimarwas caused bybearing the title regarding. The first judgment that caught my attentionis asfollows: “a mob of ignoble people became entitled. Those who came after gave the vacated positions to their own men and relatives. Timar and zeamet were notaccording to Sharia provisionsbut to some as paşmaklık, to others as mbegan to be given as land grants.Some became fodder for the elite. These corruptions caused the ruin of the military, which is the foundation of the state.”

Even the Akıncı (raider) forces have dwindled to 2,000. When aroyal campaign is called,there are those who deny being Akıncı. The Timar holders, who are the soldiers of the faith, are complaining that they have been reduced to doingmanual labor.labor.

EXCESSIVE BLOATING IN THE CENTRAL ORGANIZATION AND KAPIKULU ARMY RANKS

Koçi Bey, in his summaries, provided avery detailed analysis of thestate's centralorganization.He Previous and subsequent pagescompared theconstantincrease in the number of salaried servants pointedout. It isworth takinga look at theincreases in other officials:

For example, the clerks of the Imperial Council (Divan-ı Hümayun) and the clerks of the Imperial Treasury (Hazine-i Amire) increased from 17 to 118. The number of gatekeepers for the Grand Admiral (Kaptan-ı Derya) rose from 356 to 1,832, and the number of cavalrymen (sipahi) reached 7,000. These are the cavalrymen within the Kapıkulu class. The number of irregular soldiers (sekban) and infantrymen increased from 13,000 to 47,000.

In the royal gardens of Istanbul, Edirne, and Gallipoli, the number ofThe community of novice boys being trained increased from 7,400 to 9,200, and the Cebeci (armorer) community from 625 to 5,978rose. Koçi Bey determined the total number of salaried servants at the time he wrote his treatise to be 92,206.

Koçi Bey, in the face of this enormous increase in the number of palace staff, smakes such a comment: “Can the treasury keep up withso many salaries? Can the treasury withstand such a payroll? (Mevacib means salary). These are the people who are entitled to the ulufes (salaries) written down. Besides these, there are about 200,000 more people who, while not being servants of the state, act in the name of the state and oppress the reaya (subjects) and the beraya (the tax-exempt class).”The people of Boluwere under clean and orderly obedience until the year 1584, but now it is notso. (Thepeople of BolunewJanissaries) 200,000people were registered as servants in the payroll books, yet when an imperialcampaign was called, not even atenth of them would go on the campaign. Some would entrust their salaries to their officers or comrades, and from that group, only7,000-8,000 men would be found on the imperial campaign. However, they allreceived their salaries from the state treasury.” These statements, in fact, date back to the seventeenth cat the beginning of the centurythe newJanissary corpshad becomecorruptandshows it.

STATE IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE: THE GOVERNORS AND THE GOVERNEDTHE CLASSES

In the Ottoman Empire, as in all pre-capitalist societies,the productive forces were tied to theland. In the words of ProfessorÖmer Lütfi Barkan, "The Ottoman State was a military land state."

To correctly identify the source of the OttomanEmpire's power,it is appropriate to lookat the class structure in addition to the specific conditionsin Western Asia and the Balkans. Therulingclass is referred to as the military class (sınıf-ı askeri). This privileged class everywas exempt from various taxes. (tekalif: all kindsof taxes and levies) But they belonged to the slave class. This means being the politicalservant of the sultan. When this situation is comparedwith the reaya (subjects), it appears to be asuperiority. This is true to an extent. The reaya are treated according to Sharia law. The regime applied to the military class, however, is customary law (örf). The meaning of thisIt is this. The Sultan acts according to his own politicalprinciples, doing whatever the requirements of politicsdictate.He behavesaccordingly.

This situation means that state affairs are conducted underthe threat of political execution andconfiscation in the presence of the Sultan.means to execute. It is indeed an authority that createsvery high tension. While success is rewarded, failureis severely punished. The property of a grand vizier against whom a decree of "political execution" is issuedis confiscated along witheverything else.

As for the reaya, the Muslim and non-Muslim (dhimmi)refers to (tax-paying) communities. These are the classes that produce,pay taxes, and have their surplusproducts confiscated.

Theyare the ones who ensure thecontinuation of the order through the Timar (fief) and administrativebrought undercontrol, there are hundreds of thousands of householdsobligated to pay taxes.There are.

Dirliks (fiefs) were alsoknown askilic (sword). A disciplined system of production and taxation in a manner thatensured the continuation ofthe timariot sipahi was at the head of the fiefdom.

When the army setout on a campaign, the sipahi would provide a military groupproportional to the land granted to himand join the campaign.would join the imperialarmy. They formed the foundation of the provincial army. These cavalry units, known as Cebeli, would be called toduty duringwartime, forming a large group in terms of numbers. Of course, this waswhen the system was workingwell. They were notprofessionalwarriors.

Apart from this, there were 'has' or 'zeamet' lands granted to families directly or indirectly connected to the dynasty. These formed large estates.The land grants given to the Sultan's mother, sisters, and daughters were called 'paşmaklık'.

GAZA IDEOLOGY AND BOOTY

As long as the flow of revenue from the provinces to the center continued,the state order remainedstable. As the central army (the Kapıkulu army) engaged in 'gaza' (holy war),the amount of bootywould increase. (Gaza, in its officialdiscourse, means the war waged tospread Islam.) The state'sdependence on war booty and thesubjects' (reaya)now producewas tied to it. The 'Gaza' (holy war) was the foundation of the Ottoman State. The ideology of Gaza was a way to provide religious legitimacy to the spoils of war.

Inconclusion, the OttomanState was a MiddleAges/Early ModernAgestate indexed to holy war and spoils. Thisthe First Siege of Viennawhich ended in failurelasteduntil the date for nearly three centuriesit continued.

MEHMED II’SDISTANCINGTHE TURKISHARISTOCRACY FROMGOVERNANCE

The Kapıkulu army, which was loyally devoted to the Sultan, was a salaried professional army. This army was composed ofservantswho were of devshirme origin and received a salary.

This class was essentially composed of Serbian, Croatian, and Bosnian childrenrecruited from Rumelia. The human foundation of the army andbureaucracywas the class of 'kul' (servants) recruited from Balkan lands and raised to servethe palace.This was the kul class.

ÇandarlıAfter the execution of the Çandarlı family by Mehmed II, theTurkish nobility were completelyexcluded from state administration. Theofficial reason for the killing of the Çandarlı family was espionage for Byzantium. This shows that those in power have long fabricated the crime of "espionage" when they want to eliminate individuals they perceive as dangerous to themselves.Ultimately, the administration of the realmwas left to the slave system.passed to hisclass. The Grand Vizier wasnow a servant of the sultan. Ifdeemed necessary, a decision for politicalexecution could be issued. Forexample, figures such as Rum Mehmed Pasha, Veli Mahmud Pasha, and Gedik Ahmed Pasha. Çandarlıuntil the execution of, the "communal Turkic asabiyyah" continued to maintain its presencein administration and political decision-making. What I mean by the communal Turkic asabiyyah is thestructure composed of Turkic beysthat continued to exist.is the ruling power bloc. I think it is possible to call this a political and military coalition of the Alps.This unionis called military democracy. The concept has been used since Morgan's Ancient Society. Marx and Engels also used it. Itsoriginstems from the fact that everyone was armed and equal in the primitive communal period. TheTurkish beys wereequal. During the foundingperiod of the Ottoman Empire, the sultanswas primus inter pares among the other beys.

THE CLASS THAT ENSURES THE REPRODUCTIONOF THE GAZA IDEOLOGY IS THE ILMIYE.

It was Islam that legitimized this orderbased on war and spoils.The order of gaza and spoilswas reproduced through an ideology of justice and piety. This was ensured bywas the Ilmiye organization that provided this. In other words, the Ulema.

The Ilmiye was also responsible for the lower levels,the administration of the provinces. (Justice and administration)was carried out through the judges.

The militaryclass returning from the holy war with victorymeant the administration was working at optimum efficiencystruggle -for the reproduction of the system- was of vital importance. Ideological legitimation was carried out through thelearned class (ilmiye). The state's ideological apparatus was religion. Its practice was Sharia and ghaza. The rational distribution of timars (fiefs) was extremely important.

THE FALL FROM GRACE OF THEULEMA: THE DETERIORATION OF THE ILMIYE ORGANIZATION

Koçi Bey frequentlyreminds us of the year 1595 in his summaries. He compares the state order before and after thatdate. On this date, Mehmed III ascended the thhad ascended, and he hadhis 19 brothersstrangled for the "order of the world."

Letus take a look at these wordsof Koçi Beyif you wish: “Until 1595, the ulema held a position of status and prestige. Afterwards, theorder was disrupted. AfterSheikh-ul-Islam Sunullah Efendi was dismissed, the scholarlyclass fellout offavor.Even the military judges (kazaskers) began to flatter statebegan.

Excessive positions were given to those who were not entitled to them. The old laws were corrupted. The field of scholarship was filled with the ignorant. The distinction between good andbad became unclear. Manyofficial positionsbeganto be given to the unqualified through bribery. Many peoplefor 5-10 akçeand became a candidatefor the position. The field of science became filled with ignorantprofessors andjudges.”

Koçi Bey, in the Ilmiye (religious/legal hierarchy),high positionsHe criticizes the appointment of officials through the mediation of this or that person. (The phenomenon of mediation) He argues that the most knowledgeable among the scholars should be assigned to thetask that corresponds to theirexpertise.He states thatthe path to judicial office is knowledge, not lineage or ancestry. However, he notes that for sometime now, this has become thecase. In thesewords, the "beIt is possible to see the historicalorigin of the expression 'ulema of the age'.

Koçi Bey continues his wordsas follows: 'Dealing with the state of thejudges is the most important of theimportant matters. If the judgesare held in contemptbegan to be seen.There are judges who were dismissed upon the complaint of ataxcollector. A judge tasked with ensuring justicewho identifies and reports an oppressorsees that oppressor promoted instead of being dismissed.Under these circumstances, how can a judgeensure justice, he writes.”

THE CONSEQUENCESOF THEBREAKDOWN OF THEANCIENT ORDER

Interestingly, this ancient order did noteven last300 years.For 400 years, in various formsattempts were madeto keep themalive. Forexample, such as putting state revenues up for taxfarming. There is one more thing to note: every new method attempted caused the subjects to suffer more.resulted in itsdestruction.

The social consequence of this was the“Great Flight.” Villages were emptied due to taxes and oppression.TheTurkmen uprisingsdegraded the quality and quantity of the provincial army to be mobilized in campaigns. Itdiminished it.

In additionto this, the debasement of currencycarried outto cover the expenses (salaries) of the Kapıkulu army caused inflation. Thevalue of the akçe, which was theprimary medium of exchangein daily life,also fell.declined. Debased coins minted by mixing in worthless metalswere released into the market. Thepurchasing power of the debased currencyfellsharplythe

devaluation ofthe currency andthefailure of wars of plunderledthe stateorder into chaos.

The classical order, based on the balance between the timariot sipahi and the kapıkulu, the disintegration of the timarsystem acceleratedthedecay. As revenues decreased, during campaignstheThe provincial army calledto duty had almost disappeared. The state was left withonly the Kapıkuluarmy as a military force. Itcould not affordto paythem.

In 1826Until the date it was abolished, the JanissaryCorpsbecame, for 300 years,an unproductive entity that could not win victories, yet constantly received salaries and became the center of resistance toall kinds of innovation.

Inthe alliances theywere part of, tremained as thepower that toppled or enthroned sultans.The alliancebetween the Ilmiye (the religious-legal class) and the Janissary commandersbecame the fundamental factor determining power.

Thisorder [drained] the material resources of the peripheryextraordinarilydecreasedcomparedto previouscenturies,the "surplus"by the powers in the capitala system in whichit was consumed.Resourcestransferred to the centerdecreased. In the Ottomanrealm, the ability to evolve into capitalismwas a leaderThere was no class. There was no opportunity for this either. In the East, every kind of formation that could providesuch an opportunitywas—as it had been for a long time—eliminated throughconfiscation. Because economic power meant political power.

The economic structureand the sthe life of the staterelations seriouslywithout any meaningwithout undergoing change, for 250 years until the Tanzimatit continued in this way.This stagnationwas due to the central organization (the public sector)in terms of quantitygrowth accompaniedit. This meant an idle state apparatus and a class of salaried employees. This classcontinued its existence like an internal parasitethat increasingly weakened the power of the statethroughthe distributionof grants andstipends.

THEESSENCE OF KOÇI BEY'S REFORM PROPOSALS Koçi Bey addresses the issue fundamentally through the circulation (circu

lation of resourceslation)inflation). Resources were managed in an increasingly worsemanner,causing the state to regress. If a continuous flow of resources were reinforced with a functional central army, thedeclinecould have been halted.

Koçi Bey saw the solution in the restoration of the ancient order. For this, a strong political will was needed.This was the reason for Sultan Murad IV's strict austerity measures. Koçi Bey proposed reforms that would restore the internal balance of every institution. Some of theseproceeded in parallel with Ottoman-style radical austerity measures.These radical austerity measures weremostly in the form ofpolitical execution orders.

THE FATEOF THE KOÇİ BEY RISALES

Koçi Bey, who entered the Ottoman Palace as a devshirme boy,served in the Privy Chamber during the reigns of Ahmed I, Murad IV, Ibrahim I, and Mehmed IV.

Although his proposals weretaken seriously by the sultans, he could not overcome the“coalition of conservative forces.” The statusquo was sometimesbloodyleading to eventsand continued to preserve itself.

Koçi Bey's diagnoses regarding the structural problems in the army, finance, and thereligious establishment (ilmiye) werelargelyaccurate. However, it was not possible to implement hisproposed solutions. Becausethe balance of the three would not allow for this. And it did not.

Even for the sultans, tosuggest suchthoughts was a matter of his own personal security intcreated dangers from within. This is the reason for his statements regarding keeping his summaries confidential.

KOÇİ BEY'S RISALE TO Sultan İbrahim I

Koçi Bey wrote a risale for SultanIbrahim II. Sultan İbrahim's willingness to read the treatises and learn about the state is interesting.In the summaries presented to Ibrahim, Koçi Bey explained almost everything about the state order,even the protocol. What is a fief (dirlik)?He even defined this.defines it. The writings are in the style of Pols 101 (Introduction to Political Science). This style shows that the perception regarding the reign of Sultan Ibrahim isnot entirelyaccurate.

A sultan who had thesesummaries written and made use of them cannot be 'mad.' Perhaps he was driven to madness by the palace entourage. His execution was also a result of the power struggle between factions vying for authority. a result of thestruggle, in my opinion.

During the reign of Sultan İbrahim, there were 35,000 newJanissaries. As a central army in Istanbul. The cavalry class of the corps also exists. These are called sipahis. The central cavalry units. TThese are not fief-holding sipahis.

Not all sipahis (cavalry of the central army) are in Istanbul. They are salaried servants of the state, but they are distributed across various parts of thecountry.They have been dispersed to various locations. Forexample, places like Edirne, Damascus, Bursa, and Gallipoli. They perform the duties assigned to them in the fiefs in these locations.It is customary for those in provinces near Istanbul to come to the capital to receive their salaries.This shows who holds the power and the money.a display that showsit. At the same time, a renewal of loyalty. For those far away, salaries weresent.

During the campaign, theKapıkulu sipahis would take their place immediately to the right of the Sultan. As of that date, the annual salary was 1000 yükwas. One yük corresponded to 100,000 akçeinvalue.

THE MILITARY AND ECONOMIC POWER OF RUMELIA AND ANATOLIAAs far as I understand, the lands of Rumelia are considered more important than Anatolia due to their population and economic productivity. There are 34 sanjaks in Rumelia. The Rumelian military force consists of 30,000 people.

As far as I understand, the lands of Rumelia are considered more important than Anatolia due to their population and economic productivity. There are 34 sanjaks in Rumelia. The Rumelian military force consists of 30,000 people.As far as I understand, the lands of Rumelia are considered more important than Anatolia due to their population and economic productivity. There are 34 sanjaks in Rumelia. The Rumelian military force consists of 30,000 people.As far as I understand, the lands of Rumelia are considered more important than Anatolia due to their population and economic productivity. There are 34 sanjaks in Rumelia. The Rumelian military force consists of 30,000 people.As far as I understand, the lands of Rumelia are considered more important than Anatolia due to their population and economic productivity. There are 34 sanjaks in Rumelia. The Rumelian military force consists of 30,000 people. As far as I understand, the lands of Rumelia are considered more important than Anatolia due to their population and economic productivity. There are 34 sanjaks in Rumelia. The Rumelian military force consists of 30,000 people.during the reign of Sultan İbrahim I. Naturally, this is based on Koçi Bey's calculations based on thedirlik system. This number refers to the numberof soldiers provided by the timariot cavalry.

In Anatolia, there are 14 sanjaks. The number of dirlik (kılıç)is7,300. Including their armed retainers (cebelu), Anatolia's theestimated number of soldiers raised is 17,000

The Anatolian province (meaning the Beylerbeylik of Rum) Includes Central Anatolia, Amasya, Bozok, Canik, Arapgir, Çorum, and Sivas. The Anatolian province's boundaries are not exactly those ofmodern-day Anatolia.To its east and south, itThere are other provinces. 'Rum' does not mean Greek, as it isused nowadays. It means Eastern Roman.

FOUNDATIONS WERECREATING A PROTECTEDAREA AGAINST THE MÜSADERE SYSTEM

The 'kul' (servant) class is defined as the military class. According to Sharia,it isnot treated according to customary law. The ruling class, but their lives and property are notunderguarantee.

For this reason, political execution and confiscation practicesin the face of especially viziers and grand viziers endowed thefiefs granted to them. Butthe goal was to save real estate and property from potential confiscationeven if they themselves were executed. To be executed: to be sentencedto the deathpenalty. This realityin fact, it was alegal loophole found to securethe descendantsof the vizierswho established the foundationsusing foundation revenues.

For this reason, endowed properties led to tax lossesbywas. Koçi Bey describes this situation as a waqf thatappearsas if it were a charitybut is harmful to the treasuryhe defines it as such.

KoKoçi Bey complainsabout the law ofwaqfs as follows. Lands acquired with the blood of veterans, which were their rightful due, were turned into waqfs, thereby concealing tax revenues.

Accordingto Koçi Bey, thewaqf institutionfunctions bestthe periodof the Councilis theperiod. This was a period of 'alp' (hero/warrior) and 'gazi' (veteran). Someof the Alps and veterans were Byzantine nobles. They were Tekfurs (local Byzantine governors). For example, Gazi Evrenos Bey and the Mihaloğulları. Over time, the foundations (vakıfs) deteriorated significantly, becoming an institution that the statecould notintervene inturnedprocesses.

When the timecomes, Iwould also like to give two examples from today. Regarding the conversion of Hagia Sophiainto a mosquefrontofbeing carried out, whilethe government's argumentwas based on a strange justification such as 'it is the endowment deed of Sultan Mehmed Khan'.It alsopublished a curse. Ottoman sultans' endowment deeds were above the laws of the republic. superiorlike.

I would like to mention another recent example. Gezi Parkwas taken from the municipality on the grounds that it is theendowment (waqf) of Sultan Bayezid Han-ı Veli.Fortunately, the administrative courtGeneral Directorate of Foundationsgovernment decision was annulled. When the purposes for which the dozens of foundations established by current ruling circles are used are examined, many foundations from the past are seen as manyrather than being a charitable institution, it served the function ofsecuringthe assets of thefounderisclearlyunderstood.

TTHEDETERIORATION OF THE ORDER BEGAN DURING THE REIGN OF SULEIMAN

Koçi Bey writes that the order began to deteriorate during the reign of Sultan Suleiman.The

fact that the Sultan stopped attending the Imperial Council (Divan-ı Hümayun) was the first sign.The Sultan no longer even knew the governors-general personally.

Koçi Bey views Suleiman the Magnificent's first serious mistakeas making Pargalı İbrahim Pasha his son-in-law and Grand Vizier.Pargalıwasstrangled once he acquired great wealth and power.And his wealthwas confiscated.

Another figure mentionedby Koçi Bey is Rüstem Pasha. He also became a son-in-law to the sultan and Grand Vizier. Rüstem Pasha was married to Mihrimah Sultan. It is said that he was very handsome.it is said. They had such vast lands that Koçi Bey states that they possessed wealth equal to that of the kings of the petty states.Rüstem Paşa

Rüstem Paşathe foundations established by the Pasha caused a very significant lossof tax revenue. Rüstem Pasha's decision to increase timar revenuesby putting land grants up for tax farmingcontributed to the Ottomanstate's collapsebecame one of the most important turning points on the path.

The fiefs thatwere put up for tax farming were not operated by honorable men. According to Koçi Bey, dishonorable, corruptJewishmerchantsfell into the hands of.

This form of taxation did not provide the desired benefit. Starting with Sultan Süleyman himself, all state officialswereluxury, extravagancefame and ostentationthe path ofturned. There was no longer enough money for the salaries of the military class. Oppression began.The subjects began to be crushed.

WHAT WERE THE CELALI REBELLIONS REALLY?

In ancient times, Nemthe Kingwhile the soldiers gathered only by the Beylerbey of Rumelia were sufficient against the superiority passed to the Christian worldin the meantime.I should note that Nemçe means Austriain this context.

The Anatolian army was also sufficient against the Shah of Iran. As it was no longer enough, the Celali rebellions spread from Tokat to Anatolia, Karaman, Sivas, Maraş, Aleppo, Erzurum, Van, and Mosul. The reason for this uprising, in my opinion, was the Alevi-Turkmenmassacre carried out by Yavuz Selim in Anatolia.is a breakdown. Before the 16th century ended, the Turkmen-descended Anatolian Alevis rose up against the capital in an organized and armed manner. These events are recorded in the history of Gazavat historiographyis generally not mentioned. It iscriticized. It istreated as a long-term incident of banditry. However, the issue has a class-based foundation. On this subject, Professor Mustafa Akdağ's "The Turkish People's struggle for livelihood andorder"I: One must look at the book on the 'Celali rebellions'.

KOÇİ BEY'S REFORMS WERE REPLACED BY CAPITALISM

Twocenturies after Koçi Bey presented his treatises,the Ottoman Empire embarked on the Tanzimat reforms. Theprimary engine of this complex process was the integration of capitalism into the Ottomanit was his influence on the country.

The Tanzimat, the Ottomangooddirectiondeveloped. But a woundremainedby creating a colony. Although it maintained its politicalindependence, the Ottoman Empire became a peripheral economy. The influence of capitalismmarketized the Ottomaneconomy. Capitalism transformed the OttomanEmpirebyshiftingresources to the West.

The economy evolved into a peripheraleconomy.Itbecame linked to the center of capitalism.However, as is the case everywhere capitalism has entered, a revival was observed in Ottoman lands.All

of thesedevelopments Kothe reform that Koçi Bey demanded two hundred yearsago became impossible to implement(systemicreform) . Administration, taxation, and the structure of the army changed completely. A new army was established.

THE KAPIKULU GAVE WAY TO THE BABIALI BUREAUCRACYLEAVING IT TO ITS FATE

Between the Tanzimat and therepublican revolution, aperiod of approximately a century, a new classrose. This class, the Sublime Portebureaucracy. The SublimePorteborethe traces of the past, but the new class could read books in French and travel to the West.

This new class was the heirtothe kapıkulu class. They also attempted reform. The change remained limited.

19th ccentury'sruling elites did not witness a process similar to the chaos of 1600-1700 that Koçi Bey witnessed. Theirtraumas were different. Their traumas were of another kind.

AsKoçi Bey was writing his treatises, resources were gradually dwindling and the ruling sCivilwar wasongoingwithin. In contrast,the Ottoman central organization (bureaucracy) had grownand become cumbersome.

With the Tanzimat, it was partially placed on rational foundations. To this, the conjunctWhen administrative reasons were added, the OttomanEmpire was admitted to the Council of Europe. This was the reason for Sultan Abdülaziz'strip to Europe.

However, many things that Koçi Beyforesawremained relevant due to the vastness of the empire and the warsongoing.maintained its status.

The army was now being managed byHarbiye graduates. This meant acore cadre equivalent to the professional army of the past. The long-termcompulsory military serviceof the subjectsalso replaced the timariot sipahi. would perform the function of anenvironmentalarmy.

Efforts were made torationalize the administration through administrative, judicial, and financial departments.It was also partiallysuccessful.can be said. The state apparatus, which Weber definedas legal-rational authority, emerged in its mainoutlines.

Therulingclass of OttomanTurkey during the First World Warbrought it to the end of its age.

When the empire collapsed, manystructural issues that Koçi Beyhad pointed out three centuriesearlier were stillpersisting beneath the surface.

WHENWE LOOK AT THEKOÇİ BEY RİSALESİ TODAY, WHAT DO WESEE?

Even today, many of theailments diagnosed by Koçi Bey are deeply rootedin state administration. Rbribery, nepotism, the passing of scholarly ranks into incompetent hands,the deterioration of the army's structureand function, the arbitrariness of administration, and oppression.In politics, the conflict between the factions in power and the alternative groupsseeking powercontinues to deepen.